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MEMOIRS 



OF 



PRINCE EUGENE 



OP 



SAVOY; 

WRITTEN BY~ HIMSELF. 

TRANSLATED 

FROM THE GENUINE FRENCH EDITION, 

CONTAINING ALL THOSE PASSAGES WHICH HAVE SINCE 

BEEN SUPPRESSED BY ORDER OF THE 

FRENCH GOVERNMENT, 



BY FREDERIC SHOBERL. 



SECOND EDITION, 

niTn AN INTRODUCTION, AND NOTES, 
HISTORICAL, BIOGRAPHICAL, &C. 



LONDON: 

PRINTED FOR HENRY COLBURN, 

ENGLISH AND FOREIGN PUBLIC LIBRARY, 
CONDUIT-STREET, NEW BOND-STREET. 

1811. 



-.Esbs" 



B. Clarke, Printer, Well-Street, London. 



V 



ADVERTISEMENT. 

The original of the work here presented to the 
public first appeared at Weymar, in 1S09. It was 
afterwards reprinted at Paris, where considerable 
pains were taken id correct numerous errors in the 
names and punctuation, and it is from one of these 
improved copies that the present translation luis been 
made. Another edition has since, been published in 
France, but with the omission of various passages 
which probably appeared obnoxious to the govern- 
ment of that country. All these passages will be 
found in the following sheets, which the reader may- 
be assured contain a faithful version. of the entire 
work, without abridgment or mutilation. 

On the merits of this singular production of a 
man, whose history for a long period is interwoven 
with that of all Europe, it is unnecessary to offer any 
comment, after the opinion which has been given by 
the ablest of our critical Reviewers. M We are 
admitted, in these memoirs," says the Edinburgh 
Review*, " into the confidence of a statesman and 
hero, with whose life a very important period of our 
history is closely connected. We are instructed by 
the candid recitals of a powerful mind, viewing every 
object in a great and masterly style ; disclosing the 
most secret causes of evenly; simplifying the ap- 
parent mysteries of Court intrigues ; doing justice to 
neglected or injured merit; and throwing the broad 
light of genius over the obscurest parts of his career. 

" We are particularly struck, in this work, with 
the candor and warmth of heart displayed by Prince 
Eugene, in speaking of the French generals to whom 
he was opposed, and by the simplicity with which 
he relates his own actions, as well as the severity 
with which he judges his own mistakes. It is in this 
respect, perhaps, that we feel the strongest and the 
most humiliating contrast to the habits of modern 
times, when, instead of this chivalrous tone of mag- 
nanimity, modesty, and candor, we meet with no- 

* No. XXXIII. p. 40. 

a2 



1V ADVERTISEMENT. 

thing, even in (he narratives of great commanders, 
but specimens of that vulgar, boasting, and degrad- 
ing rancor, which used to be the characteristic of the 
lowest of the people. Of his frfends and colleagues 
the Prince generally writes, or rather speaks, with 
enthusiasm : for he appears to have dictated the 
greater part of the book to a secretary, in consequence 
of which,, perhaps, it has all the eaie and poignancy 
of private consideration. We consider it, indeed, as 
a treasure of anecdote. 

" The work bears internal marks of authenticity. 
Jt is written with great brevity, great carelessness, and 
great vivacity — in a lone of levity and occasional 
hardhearted ness, that marks the man of the world — 
and with so much of (he gay, familiar, and sarcastic 
manner of the genuine French wits, as frequently to 
•remind us of the brilliant Memoires de Grammont." 

It may not be amiss to jremark that the publisher has 
spared no pains to render this work worthy of a place 
in every library. The portrait of the illustrious 
author, and thefac-simile of his hand-writing, cannot 
fail to prove a pleasing accompaniment. 

The present edition, after the rapid sale of the 
first, is presented to the public with new and still 
stronger claims to patronage. The Introduction, 
containing an account of the family of Prince Eu- 
gene, and an historical sketch of the circumstances 
under- which he commenced his glorious career, to- 
gether with copious notes, collected with consider- 
able labor, will, it is presumed, prove highly ac- 
ceptable to every class of readers, and in particular 
to the soldier and politician. The researches under- 
taken for this purpose also afforded the means of 
correcting numerous errors, chiefly in the names of 
persons and places, which had not previously been 
detected ; so that to the recommendations of this 
edition it adds the merit of superior accuracy to 
any of its predecessors in any language. 



PREFACE 

TO THE WEYMAR EDITION. 



Wi acquainted vwth 

now that the Count de Canales 
I city, near thirty years, as the 

of the King of Sardinia. One of his 
d to the Count de 
rand-huntsman, and one or two 
In the interval which 
j the d f Prince Eugene, and 

preceding the coming of the Count de Canales, 
the prince^ niece and heiress, married to the 
Prince of Hildburgbausen, possessed an ex- 
cellent house, and kept a kind of little court 
in the prince's garden, now known by the 
.ion of the Belvidere. There the 
at de Canales was introduced the day 
after his arrival; she soon became attached 
not only as the minister of the king, 
her cousin, but also as a very agreeable and 



vi Preface. 

well-informed man. The Memoirs of Prince 
Eugene were jet fresh ; he circulated in so- 
ciety many of the expressions, sarcasms, and 
anecdotes contained in them* 

The Count de Canales was a great collector. 
An editor of that class who at the present 
day impose upon the living pretended relics of 
the dead, would have abundant opportunity 
to make the latter say whatever he pleased. 
I know not whether the Count de Canales 
committed to writing what he learned from 
very recent tradition ; but nothing of the sort 
was found among his papers. It was among 
those of another person, that what is here pre- 
sented to the public was discovered, and in 
the following manner. 

The Princess of Hildburghausen, after re- 
lating a great deal concerning her uncle, said 
to him : — " As to his military transactions, 
you must excuse me : but here is a short 
sketch of them, written partly by the hand of 
the prince himself, between his last campaign 
and his death. Do not keep it ; read it with 
attention, and then return it to me." 



PREFACE. ^ ll 

1 imagine that the Count de Canales was in 
no great hurry; at least so much is certain that 
the manuscript was still in his hands when the 
princess died, I believe in 1752 or 1753. 

It was not thought of for a great length of 
time. Count O'Donel, general of cavalry, 
and uncle, after the fashion of Bretagne, to 
the Count O'Donel, who is at present at 
Vienna, told me that he had read it. 

For upwards of twenty years the Count de 
Canales passed all his evenings with the cele- 
brated Metastasio and the Baron de Hagen, 
who died presidept of the Aulic Council, 
seven or eight years ago. Sometimes the 
graver classics were the subjects of their con- 
versation ; sometimes they culled the lighter 
beauties of the language and literature of 
eyevy nation. 

The Abbe Guasco, a friend of Montes- 
quieu's, was admitted as a Piedmontese and a 
man of letters to the evening parties of the 
Count de Canales, whenever he returned from 
Paris or Tournay, where he had a canonry. 



VUl PREFACE. 

One day when all four were on the subject of 
history, Prince Eugene happened to be men- 
tioned. " Here/' said the Count de Canales, 
"is what I have collected respecting his 
private and military life; you shall hear it, 
but you must not carry it away. I will not 
give you the prince in robe de cliambre ; but I 
am desirous to shew him to you in helmet and 
armour/' continued he, turning to the Abbe 
de Guasco, " for the instruction of your 
brother : he ought to study him ; he will have 
occasion for it, since he has just been appoinf- 
ed quarter-master general of Marshal Bairn's 
army." — This conversation must consequently 
have taken place in the month of February, 
1757. 

Many people still living can attest the ac- 
curacy of what I am advancing, and especially 
that of the dates, on which point I am particu- 
larly scrupulous. To one I venture to appeal, 
if he be yet alive, as I hope, for two years ago 
he was recovering from a severe illness at 
Moron, a small town in Tyrol, whither, driven 
from Italy, I, unhappy emigrant, repaired with 
my slender baggage. Should he be dead, 



PREFACE. IX 

bis daughter is not; she was promised the ap- 
pointment of canoness at Halle. She will not 
refuse to certify the truth of what I say ; for 
she was present at my conversations with her 
venerable father, aged ninety-two, M. de 
Ferraris, major on half- pay, formerly aid- 
de-camp to the Count de Guasco, general of 
infantry. 

The reader will begin to trace the descent 
of the work which I have printsd, a; H ,d to per- 
ceive in what manner it has found its way be- 
fore the public. Want of money on my part, 
the curiosity of an old soldier, graiiiude for my 
attentions on his part, and the indii of a 

»jg man to all that is passing around him : 
this it was that procured me this magnificent 
present, which he made im with a voice 
scarcely audible. Besides, nothing was to 
be sold in a little town of *he Tyrol; « 
are no buyers. The kind M. de Fesrkjris 
gave or suffered those around him to take 
what they pleased. Some of his old friends., 
half-pay officers like himself, took possession 
of his books; an Austrian general" employed 
at Inspruck of his maps ; and I, though I 



X PREFACE. 

never expect to have armies to command, fell 
upon a manuscript whose title rendered it 
valuable to me. The letters are made long and 
narrow in this manuscript, the authenticity of 
which may be ascertained by comparing it with 
the Prince's signature at the Aulic Council of 
war, at Vienna, of which a copy is subjoined. 
It is Very remarkable that the German character 
and orthography were both unknown to him, 
and that he signed his name in three different 
languages. It was in this manner, which I 
defy any person whatsoever to disprove. 




'wear 



PREFACE. XI 

For the rest, it is only the conversations 
which he had with different persons, the re- 
flections, and the last year that are in his own 
hand writing. He appears to have dictated 
the rest to a secretary. 

This Major Ferraris was a man of great 
merit ; he possessed the confidence of his 
general, whose dangers he shared, and whose 
operations he seconded at the siege of Schweid- 
nitz in 1762. He contributed the more to- 
wards it, as he frequently reconciled the dif- 
ferences that took place between M. de Guasco 
and M. de Gribeauval, a celebrated French 
engineer — differences which invariably occur 
between officers whose authority is not accu- 
rately determined ; and he inherited all the 
plans and books belonging to his general ; 
on his death as a prisoner, a year or two 
afterwards I believe, at Kbnigsberg. Hav- 
ing become possessed of this manuscript, I 
put it into the hands of George Conrad Wald- 
burg, printer and bookseller at Klagenfurt 
where the curious may examine the hand- 
writing of Prince Eugene, and thus have an 



XU . PREFACE. 

opportunity of ascertaining its authenticity. 
The following is a copy of his acknowledg- 
ment of the receipt of this valuable manu- 
script. 

<c I acknowledge with gratitude that Morv- 
sieur N..^., a French emigrant officer, has 
put this manuscript of Prince Eugene's into 
my possession. 

" George Conrad Waldburg. 

" KIngenfurt, January 1st, 1807." 

I know not whether some person in the 
chancery of the prince might not possibly 
have taken a copy of this excellent work, 
which may have furnished the outline of the 
history reprinted at Vienna, by Briffaut, in 
1777. I cannot tell what the author meant by 
this expression: {{ I had an opportunity to 
avail myself of what was written by Prince 
Eugene in the German language. " Did he 
intend to assert or to make people believe that 
the prince wrote in German? I have shewn 
above that he was not sufficiently acquainted 



PREFACE. X1U 

with the language for that. I think it was 
a Monsieur Lazzay, or a Monsieur Rousset, 
who was the author or printer of a history in 
five volumes. 

In the style of the prince will be found a 
military air, which well accords with his 
physiognomy and his actions. Another proof 
of the authenticity of this manuscript is the 
garrulity of age which it exhibits; repeti- 
tions which a professed author would haye 
avoided, negligences which a man of letters 
would not have committed ; in a word, there 
is no part of it but what betrays the military 
man. The tone which pervades it would be 
ill adapted to any other character, but may be 
allowed in a soldier, whose style is not always 
excellent, and sometimes too familiar. That 
of the prince, such as it is, is clear and concise ; 
so he was also in conversation, as I have been 
told by the Prussian General Lentulus, who 
retired to Neufchatel, where he died at a very 
advanced age. He had served under him in 
his last campaign' on the Rhine, whither he 
had accompanied the great Frederic, then 



XIV . PREFACE 



prince royal. Here is abundance of facts, 
dates, and names, which may be confronted ; 
my name alone shall not be made public. 



INTRODUCTION. 



In relating the parentage of the author and hero 
of these Memoirs, it would be unnecessary to go back 
to the origin of the ancient house of Savoy, from 
which he sprung. It will be sufficient for our present 
purpose to observe that Charles Emanuel, surnamed 
the Great, Duke of Savoy, married Catherine of Aus- 
tria, daughter of Philip II. of Spain, by whom he had 
several children, among whom were four sons: Philip 
Emanuel, who died an infant ; Victor Amedasus, his 
successor ; Emanuel Philibert, viceroy of Naples ; 
Maurice, who was first a cardinal, but renounced the 
ecclesiastical condition to marry his niece, of whom 
he became enamored ; and Thomas Francis, founder 
of the branch of Carignan. The latter went to 
France, where he married Mary de Bourbon, daugh- 
ter of Charles, Count of Soissons, who was killed at 
the battle of Sedan, in 1641. This lady, who was of 
the blood-royal of France, brought him the county 
of Soissons, which title he assumed. By this union 
he had three sons, Philibert Emanuel, Prince of Ca- 
rignan ; Joseph Emanuel, Count of Soissons ; and 
Eugene Maurice, who on the death of the preceding, 
assumed his title, and having married Olympia Man- 
cini, one of the nieces of the celebrated Cardinal 
Mazarine, had by her three daughters and four sons, 
the youngest of whom, Francis Eusr^ne, was born 
October the 18th, 1663. 

Cardinal Mazarine, it is well-known, had elevated 
himself to the high situation of prime miaisfer, du- 



XVi INTRODUCTION. 

ring the minority of Louis XI V. and the regency of 
his mother, Anne of Austria. The Cardinal, a na- 
tive of Italy, sent to that country for his two sisters, 
who were widows, the one with two daughters, and the 
other with five. These he introduced at the 'French 
court, when the young monarch began to approach 
the years of manhood ; and as his ambition was 
equal to his avarice, he probably hoped that some 
one of them might so far captivate the heart of the 
inexperienced Louis,- then only seventeen years old, 
as to induce him in time to make her the partner of 
his throne. The eldest of the Mancinis was soon 
married to the Duke de Mcrcceur, and Louis, from 
associating chiefly with these ladies, began to cast 
his eyes on the next sister, then only eighteen. Ac- 
cording to Madame de Motteville, she was far from 
being a perfect beauty. Her eyes were full of fire, 
and though her face was not very lovely, yet her 
youth made amends for that. She was inclining 10 
be fat, her complexion was very fair, and her face 
long, but she had fascinating dimples in her cheeks, 
which were very preltj', as was also her mouth, which 
was very small. She had delicate hands, and in 
short, the magnificence of her dress, and her wit, 
made her a very fine young lady, though far infe- 
rior in that respect to her sister; but she pleased the 
king best, and was an accomplished beauty in his 
eyes, though not in those of other people. He saw 
her often, till it was feared that this connection, not- 
withstanding -his youth, would at last induce him to r 
do her a greater honor than was becoming, or she 
could pretend to. With this lady the king conti- 
nued for some time to amuse himself, but shewed 
no signs of a passion for her ; yet his partiality 
to her company procured her great honors, and 
considerable advantages at court. The king 
always danced with her ; she had the preference 
on all occasions where a monarch's favor can 



INTRODUCTION. XYll 

he shewn ; and it seemed as if all the balls, diver- 
sions, and entertainments were given only to divert 
and please {his lady. 

She had ^however, penetration enough to perceive 
that the kind's love for her was only an amuse- 
ment ; and she was not pleased to see that her uncle 
the cardinal, so far from studying her individual 
interest, made no other use of her than to keep up 
his influence With the king, and aggrandize his fa- 
mily. The attentions of the young monarch de- 
clined ; his roving desires began to be transferred to 
other objects, and among the rest to a younger 
sister of Mademoiselle Mancini, who, in the sequel, 
gained such power over him, that very serious conse- 
quences were justly apprehended. In this situation, 
Olympia, without wholly renouncing? her claim upon 
JLiouisYaftections, resolved to procure herself a solid 
establishment, and accordingly gave her hand to 
Eugene Maurice, of Savoy, Count of Soissons, 
who combined with his illustrious descent, the cha- 
racter of a truly honorable man, and an excellent 
husband. 

The king, we are told, saw this marriage solem- 
nized without the least concern, and from this indif- 
ference, it is fair to infer, that his passion was not 
very violent, and that many who had feared other- 
wise were mistaken. The Queen-mother indeed 
had always declared that itw T as ridiculous to imagine 
that her son could do any thing 1 derogatory to his 
dignity, that she could answer for the integrity 
of the Cardinal's intentions, and there was nothing 
.to fear from Mademoiselle Mancini's ambition. One 
day, says Madame de Motteville, after the marriage 
was agreed upon, the queen seeing Cardinal Maza- 
rine and the Princess of Carignan talking together of 
this affair, said to me : Did I not tell you right, that 

b 



XV111 INTRODUCTION. 

there was nothing to be apprehended from the king 1 *? 
passion for Madame de Maneini ? — These facts prove 
at least how extensive must have been her influence 
over the youthful monarch. 

The Count of Soissons was too complaisant a cour- 
tier and a husband to take umbrage at the visits 
which the kins: continue I to pay to his wife, not- 
withstanding his own marriage to the infanta of 
Spain. The countess was appointed superintendant 
of the queen's household, and as such had apart- 
ments assigned her in the Tuilcries. Here she reign- 
ed, says the Duke de St. Simon, after the death of 
her uncle, and here she maintained her empire by a 
relic of the cardinal's munificence, and still more 
by her genius and her address. Her residence had 
become the rendezvous of a very select party of the 
most distinguished persons of both sexes, which made 
it the focus of the gallantry of the court, of intrigues 
and ambitious projects, over which relationship had 
considerable influence : and the countess was then as 
much courted, caressed, and respected, as she was 
afterwards neglected and forgotten. It was this bril- 
liant company that the king at first frequented, and 
here he acquired that polish, and air of gallantry 
-which he ever afterwards retained; but the adven- 
tures and intrigues which, though a monarch, he here 
met with, produced impressions that were too strong 
for him, and proved eventually pernicious. Nothing, 
says the same writer, in another place, was equal to 
the splendor of the Countess of Soissons, from whom 
the king never stirred either before or after his mar- 
riage, till the fear of being obliged to share her em- 
pire with his mistresses involved her in a silly affair 
which occasioned her to be banished with Vardes and 
the Count de Guiche. 

The Duke of Orleans 3 the only brother of Louis 



INTRODUCTION. XIX 

XI V\ had married the Princess Henrietta, daughter 
of the unfortunate* Charles I. of England. The 
king, who had despised her a few years before on ac- 
count of her youth, felt such a partiality for her 
when she had become his sister-in-law, that he was 
seldom out of her company; and as he kept his court 
sometimes at her house, and sometimes at that of the 
Countess of Soissons, this led to an intimacy between 
those ladies. About this time a quarrel between the 
Countess and the Duchess de Navailles, lady of honor 
to the queen, concerning the righls of their respec- 
tive offices, set the whole court of France in a flame. 
The matter in dispute being referred to the king; was 
by him decided in favor of the latter. Such was the 
resentment of the countess on this occasion, that she 
prevailed on the count to send a challenge to the 
duke, who, partly from religious motives, partly 
from gratitude for the favors conferred on him by 
Cardinal Mazarin, refused to fight the husband of 
his niece. The consequence was, that the count was 
banished from the court. 

Nevertheless, as we are told by Madame de Mot- 
teville, the Countess of Soissons redoubled her efforts 
to regain the king's affections, and sbe and the Du- 
chess of Orleans became his constant companions. 
They engaged by day in an incessant round of plea- 
sures and entertainments, and took excursions by 
night in the woods of Fontainebleau, frequently not 
returning till two or three o'clock in the morning. 
The Queen-mother, grieved at this disregard of all 
decorum, remonstrated on the subject with the king 
and her daughter-in-law, with whom, however, her 
admonitions had very little weight. But what 
maternal authority was not able to effect, was ac- 
complished by a new passion which began to inflame 
the fickle heart of the king. 

b2 



XX INTRODUCTION, 

Among Madarae's ladies of honor, whom the king- 
had frequent opportunities of soting in his visits to 
her, was Mademoiselle de la Valliere, who, according 
to some writers of that period, was purposely thrown 
in his way by the duchess and the Countess of Sois- 
aons, to prevent the scandal of a suspected amour 
with his sister-in-law. According to others, howe- 
ver, his attentions, which those two ladies attributed 
to themselves, were in reality paid to la Valliere, for 
a considerable time before the true object was disco- 
vered. Thus, if he ordered entertainments, tourna- 
ments, ballets; if, anxious to shine, he himself per- 
formed a part in them, they knew not that it was for 
the purpose of gaining a look of approbation from a 
humble female in their train. If they always found 
liim gallant and sprightly in their company, if lie 
took delight, in saying agreeable things to all the 
young ladies in their circle, they knew not that it 
was with a view to get without suspicion at the object 
of his attachment, who saw through the artifice. 
When he distributed among la Valliere's companions 
sometimes ribbons, feathers, handsome trinkets, at 
others, lace, diamonds, and costly finery, the prin- 
cess and countess had no idea that it was for the pur- 
pose of making her accept some valuable present 
which he had the art to allot to her, as if by accident, 
and which she would not have taken had she not been 
emboldened by the example of the others. 

On discovering that la yalliere had robbed her of 
her remaining favor with the king, ambition, love, 
and jealousy, divided the soul of the Countess of Sois- 
sons. She set up a rival to the new mistress, in the 
person of Mademoiselle de la Mot he Houdancourt, 
one of the queen's maids of honor, whom he visited 
at the house of the countess, and she neglected no op- 
portunity of insulting the new favorite. The latter hay- 



INTRODUCTION. Ifcl 

ln> one day passed the lady who was thus destined 
toVipplant her in the king's affections without sa* 
luting her, the countess said aloud to Madame de 
Ventadour : " I knew perfectly well that Valliere 
was a cripple, but I never knew till n©w that she 
was blind." La Valliere complained to the king, 
who forbade the countess to appear at the Louvre. 
" We shall at least .know," observed the exasperated 
countess, " whom we are to adore; and the king must 
either renounce la Valliere, or disgrace that scrupu* 
lous creature by a public avowal." 

Louis, says Mad. de Motteville, was in the habit of 
going into the apartment of the maids of honor, and 
when the duchess de Navailles, the lady of honor, for* 
bade him this liberty, he used to converse with Made* 
moiselle de la Mothe Houdancourt through a hole 
in the wainscot partition. The duchess having re* 
ceived information that men, who from their appear* 
ance could not be suspected of being robbers, had 
been seen at night going along the gutters of the 
roof, by which such adventurers might gain access 
to the chambers of the maids of honor, her zeal Oa 
this occasion was so great, that without taking time 
to consider of a method which might with less noise 
prevent what she feared, she immediately ordered 
those passages to be stopped with iron grates. Of 
this circumstance the Countess of Soissons did not 
fail to avail herself, and with a view of recovering 
her influence over the king, as well as to revenge 
herself of her old enemy the Duchess of Navailles, 
she gave every possible encouragement to this new 
amour, and took the greatest pains to enrage him 
against the grates, which she said were made more 
to contradict and affront bim, than out of any scru- 
ple of conscience. Louis had, nevertheless, sufficient 
command of himself not to shew all his resentment 
on the subject of the grates - $ he coageal^d bis vexa- 



XXU INTRODUCTION. 

tion under an air of raillery and scorn, but did not 
forget them, as his vengeance against those who had 
presumed to oppose him afterwards demonstrated. 

The intimacy between Madame and the Countess 
of Soissons still subsisted, and they drew into their 
society all the courtiers of botli sexes, most distin- 
guished for gallantry. Among the men were the 
Count tie Cuiche, son of the Marquis of Grammont, 
and Du Bee Crepin, Marquis de Vardes, the former 
attached to Madame, the latter to the Countess of 
Soissons, both of whom it was said made an ade- 
quate return. Louis still took delight in their com- 
pany, but he visited them less frequently since la 
Vallierej who shunned the great world, kept him by 
her side. Irritated at being thus deprived of the 
king, they resolved at least to part her from him. 
To accomplish this design, they contrived a scheme 
to make the y<;ung queen acquainted with the infide- 
lity of her husband ; under the idea that she would 
not fail to eomplain of it to the queen-mother, that 
both of them would harass the king on account of 
it, and that Louis would either dismiss la Valliere 
to obtain quietness, or that she, ashamed of causing 
discord sniong the royal family, vexed at the mor- 
tifjcatibne which she would have to endure, would 
withdraw of herself, and then the king would return 
to their society. This plan being agreed upon, de 
Vardes 90m posed a letter, as if written by the King 
of Spain to his daughter, and dr Guiche translated 
it into Spanish. The Countess of Sois 5 ons furnished 
the cover of a letter which had really come from 
Spain, and which she had picked up for the purpose 
in the queen's apartment. She likewise undertook 
to put it in such a place that it could not help falling 
into the hands of that princess ; but whether from 
these measures bei;;g awkwardly executed, or from 
some inevitable accident, the packet was found by 



INTRODUCTION. XX111 

Molina, the queen's chief watting woman. Sur- 
prized at such a discovery, she examined it, and 
perceiving" something suspicious, particularly in the 
seal, carried it to the king, without shewing it to her 
mistress. The astonishment of his majesty may ea- 
sily be conceived ; he took a survey of his whole 
court, and considered who could have been the au~ 
thor of this trick. Being unab!e to fix upon any 
individual, he called Vardes, a man of sound under- 
standing, and who possessed his confidence, and be- 
<ran again the same examination together with him. 
This lover of the Countess of Soissons, as had been 
previously agreed, at first hesitated, and at length 
threw out some suspicions against Mad. de Navailles. 
" Recollect," said the treacherous confidant to the 
king, u that this woman has never ceased to oppose 
the inclinations of your Majesty. Have you not re- 
marked that she affects an exclusive attachment to 
the queen ? that when her majesty is dejected, the 
queen-mother and Mad. de Navailles look at each 
other with gestures expressive of compassion, that 
they appear to invite her to ease her heart by relating 
to them the subject of her grief, and that it seems as 
if the secret were a burden to themselves ? I will 
even confess, that lately, when the countess spoke by 
your order to the queen to quiet her respecting Ma- 
dame de la Valliere, she found her better informed 
than she imagined. Whence can she obtain her 
intelligence except from the lady of honor, who never 
leaves her ? And then, who could have furnished 
the cover except herself, as she has constant and 
daily access to the queen's apartments ? As to the 
letter, nothing is more easy than to get it written and 
translated into Spanish, which plenty of people about 
the court are capable of doing." The king, who 
cherished a secret resentment against the lady of 
honor, was neither difficult of persuasion, nor slow 
to punish. Regardless of the entreaties of his rap- 



XX17 INTRO&UC'i 



* 



tber, whom he thought mistaken or suspected of con- 
nivance, he deprived the Duke and Duchess of 
Navailles of all their employments, and banished 
them to their estates. 

This treachery, however, went not long un- 
punished. Numberless intrigues were formed in the 
company, of those with whom it originated. Ma- 
dame having shewn rather too marked a kindness for 
the Count de Guiche, the Duke of Orleans, her 
husband, was made jealous of her, for he would never 
have been so of himself. He required that his sup- 
posed rival should leave the kingdom. During his 
absence, Vardes, whom he had eul.< -usted to watch 
over his interests with madame, endeavoured to sup- 
plant him with that princess, who would not listen 
to him. Exasperated at her refusal, he behaved 
with insolence to the duchess ; she complained of 
his treatment to the king, who sent him to the 
Bastille. The Countess of Soissons, exasperated 
against madame, for depriving her of a man to whom 
she was so much attached, on his release encouraged 
him anew to defy the princess. She threatened to 
acquaint the king with all that had passed, and ma- 
dame fearing the execution of these menaces, was 
before-hand with her, and informed his majesty of 
all the circumstances respecting the mysterious letter. 
The king forgave the part she had taken in that af- 
fair, on account of her candor, but on the 13th of 
March, 1605, the Count and Countess of Soissons, 
notwithstanding the king's former friendship for her, 
received an order to leave the court. 

Some time after this the countess made her peace 
with the offended monarch, and obtained permission 
to return to Paris, on condition of her resigning th« 
office of superintendant of the queen's household, 
which Louis gave to a new favorite,Madame de Mon- 



INTRODUCTION. XXf 

tcspan. She now found herself in a very different 
sphere from that in -which she had formerly moved. 
In 1673, the Count of Soissons, then serving in the. 
army of Germany, died very suddenly, and in J 680 
the countess was involved in a new disgrace. The 
unbounded licentiousness authorized by the example 
of the monarch and his court, produced a species of 
crime, which struck terror into France, and filled all 
Europe with astonishment and horror. The use of 
poison as the instrument of vengeance or avarice 
began to be introduced. Louvois by his innovations 
was at declared enmity with the most distinguished of 
the nobility. He was not afraid of open attacks, 
but apprehended the secret machinations of their 
hatred. The affair of the Countess de Bi in villiers, 
a lady of a good family, young and beautiful, who 
poisoned friends, relations, servants, husband and 
father, and suffered the punishment due to such 
atrocities in 1676',excited a great sensation ; especially 
as she was spared the torture and flattered till the last 
moment with the hope of pardon to prevent her 
making discoveries. A still stronger sensation was 
excited in 16S0, by the trial of la Vigor. reus and 
Voisjn, two women who laid claim to the art of 
sorcery and predicting future events, who s«M 
essences, pomatums, as well as the most subtle and 
virulent poisons to women tired of their husbands, 
and to children desirous of getting rid of their 
parents. The common people consulted them as 
fortune-tellers, and the courtiers in the character of 
poisoners. At first they practised their art without 
much noise. Thirst of gain, or the hope of being 
skreened by the number of their accomplices! 
rendered them bolder and bolder, till they at length 
sold their drugs publicly and without any precau- 
tion* Madame de Montespan was afraid of poison , 
and Louvois of sorcery ; and the king yielding to 
their importunities established the Chambn Ardente 9 



XXVI INTRODUCTION. 

as it. was called, in the arsenal, for the express pur- 
pose of taking cognizance of offences connected with 
those subjects. Among the accused was the Marshal 
do Luxembourg, who like many others was confined 
for several months in the Bastille, and the Countess 
of Soissons. The latter fled to the 'Netherlands, 
where, according to report, she was denied admit- 
tance into several towns, the magistrates of which 
informed her that they wanted no poisoners within 
their walls. At length, however, she found a refuge 
at Brussels. I have been the more particular in 
detailing the circumstances attending the last re- 
moval of the countess from Paris, to enable the 
reader to judge of the degree of credit which should 
be attached to what follows. 

From Flanders she went to Spain. Her motives 
in so doing it was impossible to guess; for in that 
country foreign princes had no rank, and it could 
not but prove a great mortification to a woman who 
had moved in so exalted a sphere in France, to doom 
herself to live in a place where she could not appear 
in public with distinction. The queen, a niece of 
Louis XIV. who had not consented to the match 
without reluctance, nevertheless lived more happily 
than she had expected. She had gained the esteem 
and affection of her husband to such a degree, that 
the Court of Vienna began to be apprehensive lest 
she should acquire sufficient influence to detach him 
from the interests of the emperor. Count Mansfeld 
was then the imperial ambassador at Madrid : with 
him the Countess of Soi sons on her arrival contract- 
ed an intimacy. The queen, ardently attached to 
France, had a strong desire to see her; but tin king, 
who had heard enough of this lady, and received 
warning from all quarters that a design had been 
formed to poison the queen, could not without the 
greatest difficulty be prevailed upon to consent to th^ 



INTRODUCTION. XXVU 

so much desired interviews. Nevertheless, repeated 
importunities at length extorted the permission that 
the countess might sometimes come after dinner by a 
private staircase to see her, but in the king's presence. 
By degrees hev visits grew more frequent, though they 
always excited repugnance and suspicion in her 
husband ; so that he begged the queen as a particu- 
lar favor, never to take any thing presented to her by 
the countess till he had first tasted it, as he well knew 
that there could be no intention of poisoning him. — 
Milk is a rarity at Madrid. One day, the weather 
being very hot, the queen wished for some. The 
countess, who had by degrees begun to be left alone 
with her, said she knew where excellent milk was to 
be had* and promised to bring her some in an ice. 
It is asserted that it was prepared at Count Mans- 
feld's. The countess carried it to the queen, who 
had no sooner swallowed it, than she was taken 
extremely ill. Amidst the bustle occasioned by 
this accident, the countess slipped away from the 
palace, returned to her house, where her most 
valuable effects were ready packed, and left Madrid. 
The king sent after her ; but her measures were so 
well concerted, that his messengers could not over- 
take her. The queen died suddenly like her mother, 
and was much regretted in Spain, as Henrietta 
was in France. The countess fled to Germany, 
where she lived in great obscurity. Mansfeld, on 
the contrary, was recalled, and invested with the 
highest offices at the Court of Vienna. When 
Charles II. afterwards married a German princess, 
the countess obtained permission to return to Flan- 
ders. She again fixed her residence at Brussels. 
How far from enviable was then the situation of 
this lady, who had been mistress to the greatest 
monarch of Europe, may be inferred from the 
following fact, recorded by Dangeau. u On the 
15th of March, 1695," says he, " the Countess of 



XXMll INTRODUCTION. 

Soissons, reduced, as it were, to beggarj', applied iq 
the Duke of Mazarine, who sent her two thousand 
francs. '' She died, we are told by Anquetil, at 
Brussels, forsaken by all, poor, and universally 
despised, and even very little noticed by the Prince 
.Eugene, her son. 

Such were the principal features in the life of the 
Countess of Soissons, a knowledge of which wilt 
serve to elucidate certain expressions in these 
Memoirs, that might not otherwise be understood by 
the generality of readers. Let us now proceed to 
give a brief sketch of the early year* of her cele- 
brated son. 

In France, as elsewhere, it was commonly the lot 
of younger children to be destined for the church. 
Scarcely had Eugene attained the age of seven years, 
when he had two abbies given him, both situated in 
Piedmont, near Turin. Though he displayed an 
excellent capacity for study, it soon appeared that 
the condition for which he was designed was by no 
means suited to his inclination. At a very early age 
he look delight in hearing of battles and sieges, and 
his eyes sparkled with joy at the sound of the trunv 
pet or the drum. The death of his father, when he 
was about ten years old, made no change in the pro* 
gress of his education ; though it made a great altera- 
tion in his mother's circumstances, by the loss of 
his salary as governor of Champagne. The dis- 
grace ot his mother, which followed some time 
afterwards, completely deranged the affairs of his 
family. The court of France, however, continued a 
pension to Prince Eugene, that he might appear ac- 
cording to his rank/ He went by the name of the 
Abbe de Savoye, and the king jocosely called him 
the Little Abbe. His martial inclination grew 
{stronger with his years. The appellation of Abbe 



INTRODUCTION. XX\% 

had become hateful to him, because it was an 
obstacle to his military ardor; and as soon as he 
was emancipated from the superintendence of a 
tutor, he requested permission of the king to resign 
the ecclesiastical dignities which he had been pleased 
to confer on him, and to give him a commission in 
his army, in which he might serve him much more 
Usefully. Louis refused his request, cither for 
the reasons assigned by the prince in his preface, or 
on account of want of interest at court since his 
father's i\c?.ih and his mother's disgrace. ; or the 
hatred of Louvois, occasioned by the natural pride 
of the prince, which would not allow him to cringe 
before that minister. Exasperated at this refusal, 
Eugene protested before some of his friends that he 
would enter into the service of some other power, 
and would never return to France but as a conque- 
ror. While awaiting an opportunity to put these 
threats and this design into execution, he 
continued to learn all the exercises befitting a prince 
destined for the military profession. His highness 
made a rapid progress both in those of the body and 
mind : and there was nothing but what his applica- 
tion and military bias rendered easy to him. At~ 
length arrived the day which called him to the com- 
mencement of his brilliant career. 

Leopold, Emperor of Germany, was engaged in a 
war with the Turks. The severity with which the 
Court of Vienna had treated Count Stephen Tekeli 
had lost it the affection of all the Hungarian 
nobles. The count was a man of high rank in 
his country, and his great wealth contributed in 
no small degree to his misfortunes. Troops were 
sent to take possession\of the Castle of Kus, in 
which Tekeli had shut himself up. Scarcely had 
the imperialists begun the attack, when the count 
died so suddenly as to excite suspicions that his 



XXX INTRODUCTION. 

death was not a natural one. His son Emeric, 
only fifteen years old, fled to another castle, 
whither he was pursued by the imperialists; at 
length he escaped to Transylvania. The property 
left by his father was confiscated, and his estates 
were laid waste. Young Tekeli, on his arrival in 
Transylvania, contrived to insinuate himself so far 
into the good graces of Prince A baffi, as to prevail on 
him to assist the malcontents in Hungary against 
the vexations of the imperialists. A baffi sent for 
tliis purpose an army of twelve thousand uten, 
and appointed Tekeli commander in chief. In- 
flamed with 'the desire of revenge, the youthful 
general made a rapid progress. He penetrated into 
Lower Hungary and laid siege to Gran. The 
Turks, under the pretext of supporting the mal- 
contents, likewise took the field. The war con- 
tinued for some time, after which a truce was 
concluded between the imperialists and malcontents. 
Fresh misunderstandings arose; the Turks again 
flew to arms, and promised Tekeli the sovereignty 
of the principality of Transylvania, after the death 
of A baffi, if he would recommence hostilities. 
Tekeli, impelled as much by ambition as by 
revenge, agreed to the proposal. The malcontents 
on their part engaged to pay the Grand Signor 
eighty thousand crowns a year, provided he would 
send them powerful succours. The war was 
renewed in August, 1681. Tekeli with his forces 
joined the Turks, who overran all Hungary, 
and at length proceeded to lay siege to Vienna. 
On this occasion volunteers hastened from all parts 
of Christendom to commence their military career in 
the army under the Duke of Lorraine, who finding 
himself too weak to oppose the infidels, had taken 
a position near Vienna. Among these volunteers was 
Prince Eugene of Savoy. 



INTRODUCTION. XXXI 

Having thus cond acted tbe prince to the point at 
which he commences his memoirs, I should here 
leave him to speak for himself, did not the very 
brief and indeed unconnected manner in which he 
has described the state of affairs on his entering into 
tbe Austrian service, lead me to believe a concise 
account of some of the events of the memorable 
siege of Vienna, and the treatment experienced by 
the hero, to whom its deliverance was principally 
owing, would be acceptable to many of the readers 
of this work. 

Among the princes of Christendom, who, from 
their vicinity to the theatre of operations, were most 
alarmed at the rapid progress of the Turks, was 
John Sobiesky, King of Poland. This monarch, 
who had already proved himself a formidable foe to 
the Infidels, had by treaty with the emperor engaged 
to march in person with his whole army to his assist, 
ance, in case of his being attacked by the Turks, 
and Leopold, if occasion required, was to render the 
same service to his Polish majesty. Agreeably to 
this engagement, the latter sent an enroy to the 
emperor, to inform him that he was ready to succour 
him with all his forces. Leopold probably thought 
the danger less imminent than it was, or had no wish 
to bring into his dominions a king and army so 
strong as the Polish. His imperial majesty therefore 
received with coldness the obliging offers of his ally. 
Piqued at this treatment, Sobiesky dispatched a 
courier to France, to acquaint Lous XI V. that if 
he would confer the ducal title on his father-in-law, 
the Marquis of Arquien, he would not only refuse 
assistance to the emperor, but would join his forces 
to those of France to make any diversion he might 
think fit in Germany. 

Meanwhile tki grand vizir suddenly advanced to 



XXX.11 INTRODUCTION. 

Vienna. The Duke of Lorraine- judiciously retired 
with his infantry to the Island of Schultz; and 
Leopold precipitately left Vienna, in a manner 
which very much resembled a disgraceful flight. 
The ambassador from the emperor to his Polish 
majesty and the papal nuncio then threw themselves 
at Sobiesky's feet, and besought him to save the 
empire and Christendom. The king gave them but 
little hopes; the siege of Vienna was formed, and 
there was no appearance of relief. At length his 
courier returned from France, bringing nothing but 
thanks for his offers, and a refusal of the favor which 
he had solicited ; which so irritated Sobiesky, that 
he immediately set out for Vienna, at the head of 
fifteen thousand well appointed cavalry, and the 
flower of (he Polish nobility. In a few days he 
arrived on the heights of Closterberg, where he was 
invested with the chief command of all the troops 
destined to act against the Turks. 

The king on the day of his arrival wont with the 
principal leaders of the allied troops to reconnoitre 
the grand vizir's camp, the Turkish army and the 
works of the besiegers. Having looked at them for 
a short time with his glass, he observed : — u The 
fellow is badly encamped ; I know him well ; he is 1 
a presumptuous blockhead ; we shall get no honor 
in this affair, the victory will be so easily gained. 
Those rascals will not expect me." Then turning 
to the Duke of Lorraine : " Sir," said he, u only 
take the trouble to order two small pieces of cannon 
to be to-morrow at day-break on the spot where we 
stand, and depend upon it, you will see a pretty 
bustle.'" His desire was complied with, and soon 
after sun-rise he ordered one of them to fire upon the 
great tent in the grand vizir's quarters. Taking his 
glass, he said : " I seehim coming out of bis tent." 
He ordered another shot to be fired in the same 
direction. "Now," said the king, " I see him 



INTRODUCTION. XXX1U 



He then directed the firing (o be 
kept up without intermission. " And now," said 
he, "1 see him mounting his horse ; let us go down 
without losing a moment." Having ordered the 
cannon to continue playing, he put himself at the 
head of his troops, and marched straightway to the 
grand vizir's tents. The first guards of the Turks 
made a tolerable resistance ; but the the grand vizir's 
quarters, witli his tents and baggage, were abandoned. 
In his tent was found a Pole, with his hands tied and 
prepared for death. He was soon recognized to be 
the Chevalier Trosky, his Polish majesty's envoy to 
the Porte, whom the grand vizir had taken with him 
to serve, he said, as an hostage for the conduct of his 
master, having frequently declared that he would 
order his head to be cut oif, if his countrymen took 
the field. When the king with his glass saw him go 
back into his tent, it was to give orders for the exe- 
cution of the envoy, who was just going to be put to 
death, when the firing of the cannon on the grand 
vizir's quarters obliged him to quit them with preci- 
pitation. The executioners seeing their master set 
off, thought of nothing but escaping themselves, and 
forsook the intended victim. It was also found that 
the Turkish commander, before he mounted his 
horse, had, with his own hand, cut off the head of 
his favorite ostrich, which never left him, but slept 
in his chamber, lest the animal should fall into the 
hands of his enemies. 

The troops defiling on the top of the hill sent word 
to the king that they could see the Turkish army re- 
treating in great haste, but in very good order. The 
king pushed forward to the trenches and works of the 
enemy, where he found nothing but a great quantity 
of artillery, and almost all the baggage of the enemy 
at his discretion. The first thing he did was to issue a 
strict prohibition against plundering. Having posted 



XXXIV INTRODUCTION. 

some guards between the deserted camp and the 
rear guard of the Turks, and taken great precaution 
to prevent pillage, and to watch the march of the ene- 
my, the prince proceeded towards the gate of the 
city, whither Stahremberg, the governor, with an 
astonishing multitude of people, went to meet him. 
Amidst shouts of Long live Sobiesky ! Long live 
our deliverer ! he rode, or rather was carried with 
shouts of joy and praise to the great church of St. 
Stephen, where he intended to alight to thank God 
for a success so great, so glorious, and so advantage- 
ous to Christendom. 

The king advanced in the same manner, borne by 
those who crowded about him to the foot of the high 
alter, where he prostrated himself on the ground, and 
remained for a considerable time in that attitude of re- 
verence and humility. He then rose, and the acclama- 
tions of the people and the flourishes of trumpets pro- 
duced in the church a kind of military devotion, if any 
thing more edifying by its confusion than by the ar-, 
rangement of a Te Deum, which was intended to be 
sung. The prince beheld so many eyes filled with 
tears of joy fixed upon him, that he could not him- 
self forbear bursting info tears. He afterwards ac- 
knowledged, that he had been so overpowered, that 
from this moment, not only while he was in the 
church, but when he had again mounted his horse, 
and was passing through the streets amidst shouts of 
triumph ; nay, even for a considerable time after he 
was out of the city, he was wholly unconscious of 
every thing ; so totally was he absorbed by the feel- 
ings excited by the excessive joy of the multitude on 
account of their deliverance, that he was sensible of 
nothing except that he was in such an extacy of plea- 
sure as he had never before experienced. 

The Turkish army was so strong that it was not 



INTRODUCTION. XXXV 

judged prudent to pursue it, till tlie necessary ar- 
rangements should be made for following such a su- 
perior force, and these were likely to take up some 
days. The king, impatient of this delay, resolved 
if possible to appropriate to himself and his nation, 
the glory of the complete discomfiture of the enemy. 
Early on the second morning after the siege was rais- 
ed, he secretly quitted the camp of the allies, and 
went with his troops in pursuit of the Mussulmans ; 
but on this occasion his ambition got the better of his 
prudence. He found the Turkish army ready to re- 
ceive him ; he nevertheless commenced the attack iu 
the plain of Barcan, near Gran, where his little army 
was nearly surrounded by the immensely superior 
force of the Turks, and he was obliged to make a 
precipitate retreat, with the loss of three thousand of 
his followers. As he approached the camp, he met 
the Duke of Lorraine and all the German princes, 
who, on discovering his departure, were taking a 
ride along the same road to learn the event. Nobody 
could be more candid than Sobiesky in the acknow- 
ledgment of his faults. " Gentlemen," said the 
king, addressing the princes and generals, " I have 
been severely punish d for my imprudence ; I have 
got soundly beaten. I wished, I confess, to deprive 
you of any share in an action, all the glory of which 
I coveted for myself and my nation. In a word, I 
have drawn upon myself, and richly deserved, the 
disaster that has befallen me." He perceived that his 
defeat was by no means displeasing to those to whom 
he was speaking. The more they pitied and excused, 
him, the greater was his vexation. At length, on 
reaching the grand vizir's tents, where he had fixed 
his head-quarters : " Give me," said he, u my usaal 
bed, only let me have a little fresh straw." During 
his campaigns, this prince never used any other bed 
than a Turkey carpet spread over a heap of straw 
upon the ground. While his attendants were pre- 
paring his straw, the Duke of Lorraine entered the 
c2 



XXX VI INTRODUCTION. 

lent. u Can I be of any service (o your majesty V f 
said the duke. " Zounds! sir," exclaimed the 
king, " are you come here to insult me ? Am I not 
sufficiently punished, without having others to wit- 
ness my disgrace and to ask me questions about it ? 
Nothing is to be now thought of but revenge ; shall 
we take it to-morrow ?'' The duke modestly 
replied he did not think the army could be in 
readiness to march so soon as the next day. 
"When then?" enquired the king. "This 
is Thursday,'' replied the duke, " and I think your 
majesty will not be able to inarch before Saturday.'' 
" Let it be Saturday then,'' said the king; " give 
your orders, and let me sleep till Saturday morning. 
I will not see any body; I want rest, and nothing 
can give me consolation but the defeat of our enemies, 
which God is preparing for us." 

The king accordingly saw nobody belonging to 
the imperial army till day-break on .Saturday, when 
the army began its march. His Polish Majesty was 
at the head of the right wing ; the Elector of Bavaria 
commanded the centre, and the Duke of Lorraine the 
left. When witliin sight of the Turks, the army 
formed in order of battle. The enemy were defeated. 
The grand vizir, with a view to save part of his 
force, ordered it to cross a bridge between the little 
town of Barcan and Gran, which is on the other 
side of the Danube. From the pressure and confu- 
sion which ensued the bridge broke down ; a pro- 
digious number of the Turks were drowned, and all 
those who remained on the other side of the bridge 
were killed or made prisoners. On this occasion 
Sobiesky exhibited signal proofs of valour and ge- 
neralship; the Elector of Bavaria, though very 
young, highly distinguished himself, and the Duke 
of Lorraine contributed greatly to the success by his 
courage and conduct. Almost all the baggage of the 
Turks fell into the hands of the conquerors. 



INTRODUCTION. XXXVU 

Meanwhile the emperor quietly returned from 
Linzto his capital; and as though he had himself 
shared in the efforts made for his service, he con- 
ceived such a jealousy of the glory acquired by others 
that he would scarcely see the King of Poland, his 
deliverer. The Duke of Lorraine wished his im- 
perial majesty to go to meet Sobiesky, to embrace 
and thank him. The emperor made difficulties 
because there was no precedent of any elective mo- 
narch having an interview with the emperor. The 
duke did all that lay in his power to overcome 
these difficulties, of which he was ashamed, and was 
anxious that, after so important a service, the King 
of Poland should at least return home satisfied with 
the emperor. His efforts were unavailing, and it 
was at length agreed that the interview should take 
place in the camp, so that when they met, each 
should be on the right hand side of the other. 

The king of Poland was armed ; he wore a Polish 
cap, with a beautiful egret, beside which hung a 
large pearl. He rode one of the finest horses in the 
world, magnificently accoutred. With the air of a 
conqueror this prince met the emperor, who, meanly 
dressed, and miserably mounted, scarcely took off his 
hat, never had the courage to thank the King of Po- 
land, to express the smallest degree of gratitude, or 
to jay him a single compliment ; for the little that 
he did say to him, related to the services which the 
Poles had always received from the friendship and 
protection of the emperors. At length this most 
ungracious interview ended with these words, which 
Sobiesky at parting addressed to the emperor : — 
** My brother, 1 am very glad that I have rendered 
you this service.'' He then turned his horse to de- 
part, but seeing his eldest son, Prince James, who had 
not paid his respects to the emperor, he returned and 
presented the youth, who alighted and saluted his im- 
perial majesty. Leopold scarcely raised his hand to 



XXXV1U INTRODUCTION. 

his hat without taking it off, gave a slight md, and 
spoke not a word, though the Polish monarch oh* 
served that he was a young prince whom he wad 
bringing up for Christendom. This opportunity 
of presenting his son likewise furnished an occasion 
for presenting at the same time some of the princi- 
pal Palatines. One of them having alighted and 
kissed the emperor's boot, Sobiesky rode up, and 
giving him a slight stroke over the shoulders with his 
whip, said to him : " Mr. Palatine, no meannesses !" 
Then leaving the emperor, he proceeded to his quar- 
ters, and next day set out on his return home. In 
every place through which he passed on his march 
he met with nothing but ingratitude, and was even 
obliged to use force to procure provisions. Instead 
of receiving those attentions which might naturally 
have been expected from the imperial court, the 
latter had issued orders to all the officers in the line 
of his route to make the Polish monarch pay for 
every thing that he should be supplied with. He 
even learned with indignation that the wounded Poles 
whom lie had left at Vienna to be taken care of, 
were turned out of the city without relief. A hun- 
dred times did he afterwards repeat to the French 
ambassadors and others of that nation : " I appear 
just what I am. Every body knows that I am fond 
of money. Had a little been given me, I would have 
placed the imperial crown on the head of his most 
christian majesty. " Though fate decreed otherwise, 
yet it must be admitted that no juncture could have 
been more favorable to the accomplishment of such 
a design. 

Having thus given a brief account of the impor- 
tant event with which these memoirs open, I shall 
trespass no farther upon the patience of the reader, 
but leave the illustrious author to speak for himself. 



XXXIX 

PREFACE 
OF PRINCE EUGENE. 



There are,, as I have been told, several 
Italian and German manuscripts concerning 
me, which 1 have neither read nor written. 
A flatterer, whose name is Dumont, has 
printed a large folio volume, which is en- 
titled : My Battles. This gentleman is ex- 
tremely bombastic ; he panegyrises me at the 
expence of Turenne, who according to him 
would have been taken at Cremona in 1702, 
or killed at Hochstett in 1704, if he had been 
opposed to me. What stupid stuff ! 

Some historians, good or bad, will take the 
trouble to enter into the details of my youth, 
of which I scarcely remember any thing. 
They will not fail to speak of my mother, a 
little too intriguing to be sure, driven from 
the court, exiled from Paris, and suspected, I 
believe, of witchcraft, by people who were 
no great conjurors. They will tell how I was 
born in France, and how I left it burning 



xl author's preface. 

with fury against Louis XIV. who had re- 
fused me a company of cavalry, because, he 
said, I had too weak a constitution ; and an 
abbey, because I pretended (on I know not what 
stories respecting me current in the gallery of 
Versailles), that I was fitter for pleasure than 
for the church. No Huguenot expelled by 
the revocation of the edict of Nantes ever 
cherished a stronger hatred against him. 
When therefore Louvois, on hearing of my 
departure, said : ss So much the better, he 
will not return to this country again," I 
vowed that I never would, except as a con- 
quering enemy, and I kept my word. 

I have entered it on more sides than one ; 
and it was not my fault that I did not pene- 
trate farther. But for the English, I should 
have given law in the capital of the grand 
monarque, and shut up his Maintenon in a 
convent for life. 



MEMOIRS 



OF 



PRINCE EUGENE 



168& 

Never was the court so dull as this year, 
I did wisely to leave it. This was the period 
of Louis the Fourteenth's devotion, occasioned 
by the loss of his two sons, the Comte de 
VexuTand the Due de Vermandois, Colbert, 
and the Queen. 

His most Christian Majesty, who, previous 
to his being so religious, assisted the Christians 
in 1664 against the infidels, having now be- 
come eminently pious, excited thstn against. 

• n - 



18 MEMOIRS 6F 

the emperor, and encouraged the Hungarian 
rebels. But for him, neither the one nor the 
other would have advanced to the gates of 
Vienna. That he might not appear to coun- 
tenance them, he durst not absolutely forbid 
the young princes of the blood to go and sig- 
nalize themselves in this war. I went with 
thenr, weary of being called the little Abbe 
of Louis the Fourteenth. He was very fond 
of me. It was, perhaps, from motives of 
conscience that he had refused me the abbey. 
I was not desirous of shining either in the 
church or at court: I was perfectly satisfied 
with my reception in society ; but I wished 
to distinguish myself in war. Accordingly, at 
twenty I was in the service of Leopold the 
First, who knew nothing of the matter. He 
had fled from his capital, both at the siege 
and at the battle of Vienna. I thought at 
first sight that I should learn my business 
better about the person of the Duke of Lor- 
raine, and Prince Louis of Baden, than with 
the two electors of Bavaria and Saxony. 
Both the former led me many a dance from 
one attack to another, and sent rae with or- 
ders into the hottest places. 



PRINCE EUGENE. 19 

The Duke of Lorraine, I was told, em- 
ployed none but generals, in battle, to carry 
or even to change an order, if necessary. I 
was sensible of this honor, and he appeared 
satisfied with me. The confusion of that day 
can be but confusedly described. Sobiesky 
attended mass, with his arms crossed in the 
church of Leopoldsberg. The Poles who 
had clambered up thither, I know not why, 
went down again like madmen, and fought 
like lions. The Turks, encamped on the spot 
where I threw lines up in 1703, not know- 
ing which way to front, having neglected the 
eminences, behaved like idiots. 

The emperor returned; I was presented to 
him. Not being yet familiarized with Ger- 
man manners, I was much amused with his 
haughty interview with the King of Poland. 
As a volunteer, I was one of the foremost in 
the pursuit of the Turks. 

We lost no time ; and KufFstein being dead, 

I was rewarded with his regiment of dragoons 

on the 11th of December. Three months, to 

a day, after that signal victory, I was the hap- 

k2 



20 MEMOIRS OF 

piest of men, and was serving under the Duke 
of Lorraine. 

1684. 

Having with him taken Vicegrad, Gran, 
and Weitzen, and fought a glorious battle 
near the latter place, we had a still more im- 
portant engagement near the Island of St. An- 
drew. It is said that I made a very fine 
manoeuvre at the head of my regiment, and 
that this put the Turks to the rout. They 
were cut to pieces without mercy. The Duke 
of Lorraine had secured his centre by a mo- 
rass, his left by the Danube, his right by an 
impassable mountain. 

We now laid siege to Buda. Many de- 
structive sallies were made by eighteen thou- 
sand men : twelve thousand arrived, and waited 
for the coming up of twice or thrice that num- 
ber to attack us. The Duke made haste to 
beat them, and had the goodness'to write to 
the emperor that I had contributed most to 
the victory. Prince Louis of Baden was 
ready to eat me with caresses. 



PRINCE EUGENE. 21 

The siege was pushed with vigor; visiting 
the trenches by the side of the Prince of Salm. 
I there received my first wound from a ball 
through my arm. 

It was thought that a favorable moment for 
a general assault had arrived ; it proved un- 
successful. The assailants were repulsed in 
every attack. Some altercation or other took 
place among the principal generals. This is 
often occasioned by the persons about them. 
Scandal finds its way into head-quarters as 
well as into ordinary society. At length, 
having lost thirty thousand men, the Duke of 
Lorraine raised the siege on the 1st of No- 
vember. 

At Vienna this furnished occasion for many 
animadversions and many absurdities. One 
supposed that our failure proceeded from the 
want of good engineers. No, said another, 
'tis owing to the malice of Guido Stahren- 
berg, against whose advice the siege was 
undertaken. A third asserted that it was the 
result of the mismanagement of the commis- 
sariat, or of the ministers in withholding 



22 MEMOIRS OF 

supplies of all necessaries from the besiegers,, 
with a view to diminish the influence of the 
Duke of Lorraine, of whom they were jea- 
lous. For my part, being yet a very insig- 
nificant person, and for that very reason in 
favor with every body (which is no uncom- 
mon thing when one is very young), I re- 
tained the friendship of my two masters, 
Lorraine and Baden, though the latter fell 
out with the former, seconded by the elector, 
who was equally attached to me ; and I went 
to spend the winter at Vienna, where 1 ex- 
perienced the most flattering reception. 



1685. 

The marriage of an archduchess with the 
Elector of Bavaria retarded the opening of 
the campaign. A pretty reason, truly! The 
Duke of Lorraine went to reconnoitre Novi- 
grad. The princes of the blood of France 
and Lorraine, and the volunteers of their re- 
tinue, arriving from Paris, joined the escort. 
Armed with their pistols, they provoked the 
spahis, and some French heads were cut oflf 



PRINCE EUGENE. 23 

by Turkish sabres. I rescued the others with 
my dragoons, whom I brought up just at the 
right time. Delighted with finding myself 
again in the company of all these young 
people,, who were my old friends, and too 
young myself to scold, I found no fault with 
them, but the Duke of Lorraine took that 
upon himself. He reprehended them severely, 
at the same time approving in his heart the 
ardent and impetuous courage of his cousins, 
Commerci, and Thomas de Vaudemont, who 
afterwards served under me with such dis- 
tinction. 

The trenches had been opened a month 
before Neuhausel ; and just when an assault 
was about to be made on the covered way, 
we received intelligence that a seraskier had 
arrived with sixty thousand men, that he had 
retaken Vicegrad and besieged Gran. We 
marched thither, and he raised the siege on 
the approach of the Duke of Lorraine, who 
had left Caprara before Neuhausel. But 
observe what now happened. 

The seraskier thought fit to take an ex- 



24 MEMOIRS OF 

cellent position. The duke contrived to ac- 
quaint him, by means of the country-people, 
that he had only twenty thousand men, and 
was retreating ready to die of fear. The 
honest Turk believed it. The duke halted 
in an amazingly strong position. I was in the 
centre, under the Prince of Baden, with my 
dismounted dragoons. The Elector of Ba- 
varia commanded the right, in front of which 
the brave, hot-headed young fellows whom 
I have mentioned obtained permission, with 
some difficulty, to form a little squadron. 
They anticipated the Turks, who attacked them 
with prodigious fury and terrific shouts ; but 
they were surrounded : our cuirassiers relieved 
them. The duke supported them himself, and 
was victorious with his wing, as was also the 
Elector of Bavaria with his, and Prince 
Louis in the centre, where I seconded him to 
the utmost of my ability. The Prince of 
Hanover, and the Count of Lippe, pushed the 
Turks into a morass. There were three or 
four great battles in one. The seraskier re- 
ceived a wound in the thigh ; he plucked up 
his beard by the roots, because he was obliged 
to fly. 



PRINCE EUGENE. 25 

We were again before Neuhausel on the 
19th of August. A breach was made. Com- 
merci, followed by the young volunteers, was 
the first to mount the walls; and with the 
Baron d'Asti" hoisted upon them the imperial 
colors. The pacha and the garrison were put 
to the sword. The seraskier burned and der- 
molished Novigrad, Vicegrad, and Weitzen ; 
and as for me, I set off to spend the winter at 

Vienna. 

♦ 

1680. 

It was on this occasion that the Prince of 
Baden, taking me by the hand, said to the 
emperor : " Here, sire, is a young Savoyard 
....*' Modesty forbids me to repeat the rest. 
The mismanagement of the last year was a 
warning for the present : we were admirably 
supplied. The 13th of June the Prince of 
Baden and I began the siege under the Elector 
of Bavaria. All three joined in an assault 
upon an important tower, of which we made 
ourselves masters. 

From this tower, on the 26th of July, we 



26 MEMOIRS OF 

battered the castle of Buda in breach : we fully 
expected to gain possession of it, but were dis- 
appointed. Thirty thousand Turks made a 
sally. I had a horse killed under me. Twice 
we penetrated, sword in hand, into the castle, 
and twice we were repulsed. Prince Louis and 
myself were wounded. A Stahrenberg, a Her- 
berstein, and a Kaunitz were killed ; and we 
were obliged to defer the general assault till 
another day. Unluckily I was not at it, being 
ordered to guard the lines, which were threat- 
ened by a numerous army ; a charge of con- 
sequence, indeed, as I was told. But the 
accursed Grand Vizir, quiet on a height, not 
daring to attack me, I know not why, saw with 
more coolness than myself this most important 
place taken and plundered before his face. 

Prince Louis and I went, by the command 
of the Duke of Bavaria, and took Funfkirchen, 
Calveza, Simonthorna, Kaposwar, and Sick- 
los ; and afterwards burned the bridge at Es- 
seck, which was six thousand paces in length, 
and twenty- four in breadth. The army then 
t©ok up its quarters for the winter. 



PRINCE EUGENE. %7 

I went to spend the carnival at Venice with 
my dear volunteers and French prioces, and so 
did almost all the other princes in our army, 
and a great number of generals. 

There almost all of them fell in love; the 
Duke of Mantua did still worse, for he was 
quite a libertine ; I was neither the one nor 
the other, and was highly diverted at seeing 
that prince as brave with the Venetians as he 
was cowardly with the Turks. 

The Elector of Bavaria was so tender, that 
he would have disgusted me of being so, had 
I been ever so well inclined. The ease with 
which his heart was affected communicated a 
fickleness to his mind, in regard to his opinions 
and resolutions ; and from that time I consi- 
dered (as I have since found with justice) 
great intrigues as insipid, ridiculous, and cal- 
culated for idlers, and little ones as far from 
reputable. 

Morosini entertained us wonderfully well. 
We had, every day, charming and magnificent 
fetes, on shore or at sea* On these occasion* 



28 MEMOIRS OF 

1 saw women more enterprising then generals. 
As all things have an end, I went to pass the 
rest of the winter at Vienna. 



1687. 

It was at this time that the Duke of Lor- 
raine crushed the enemies of Jesus Christ and 
his own, in the army and at court, in which 
number I was not, though in high favor with 
the Elector and Prince Louis, who belonged 
to that party. The duke marched to attack 
the Grand Vizir : his prudence was equal to 
liis valor: he had recourse to the one as 
well as the other. Having advanced too far, 
considering the excellent position of the Turks 
( for they entrench themselves in an astonishing 
manner as soon as they arrive), he was not 
ashamed to retreat. This is a ticklish business 
with such devilish fellows. I covered with my 
dragoons the march of the rear ; and preserved 
it from injury by charging, several times, the 
spahis who annoyed me. After some time the 
affair became more serious. Ligneville, Thun- 
gen, and Zinzendorff were killed. The Duke 



PRINCE EUGENE. 29 

of Lorraine drew up fortunately and skilfully, 
with his wings well supported> near Mount 
Hersan. The Duke of Mantua,, who clambered 
up it, beheld in safety the whole engagement 
in the same plain of Mohatz where King 
Louis had perished. This excited the general 
laughter of the soldiers, who, thanks to him, 
ran merrily to meet death. The enemy ad- 
vanced to attack us : both sides fought with 
fury. Piocolomini, being almost beaten, was 
supported by the brave elector. His artillery 
did execution : my dragoons took advantage 
of it, and I had the happiness to pursue the 
Turks to the entrenched camp. Having stop- 
ped a moment to survey them, I ordered my 
dragoons to leap into it; some on foot, the 
others on horseback with me. It is said that 
I was the first :> it is true that I took a cres- 
cent there, and planted the imperial eagle* 
This was probably the reason that I was dis- 
patched with the news of this victory to the 
emperor. He gave me his portrait surrounded 
with diamonds. I had reached Vienna in a 
very few days; after spending three there, I 
returned in a very few more to the army, where 
I was also extremely well received ; fpr at that 



30 MEMOIRS OF 

time, apparently, I had too little merit to have 
enemies. 

History, I hope, will record the glorious 
conduct of Commerci at the battle of Hersan. 
Nothing of consequence afterwards occurred ; 
and the campaign being quite over, I found a 
very brilliant winter at Vienna, on account of 
the coronation of the King of Hungary. The 
Duke of Lorraine, and several other generals, 
also repaired thither. Some intrigued, others 
amused themselves : I was among the latter. 

1688. 

A colonel at twenty, and major-general at 
twenty-one, I was made lieutenant-general at 
twenty-five. I conducted a reinforcement to 
the Prince of Baden in Sclavonia, and re- 
turned with great expedition, because it was 
intended to besiege, or rather to storm Bel- 
grade. The command of the five points of 
assault, on the 6th of September, was given 
to other generals. I complained of this : — 
tf You shall remain with me in reserve/' re- 



PRINCE EUGENE. 31 

plied the elector ; " and in this I think I am 
neither taking nor giving; you a bad commis- 
sion. God knows what may happen \" He 
had guessed the result : all the assailants were 
repulsed. Sword in hand this brave prince 
and myself rallied and cheered them : I 
mounted the breach ; a Janissary cleft mj 
helmet with a stroke of a sabre ; I ran my 
sword through his body ; and the elector, who 
had the preceding year received a musket- 
ball in the hand, was again wounded with an 
arrow in the right cheek. Nothing could be 
more brilliant or more sanguinary. How 
strangely one may find amusement amidst 
scenes of the greatest horror ! I shall never 
forget the appearance and grimaces of the 
Jews, who were compelled to throw into the 
Danube the bodies of twelve thousand men, 
killed on both sides, to spare the trouble and 
expence of burying them. I set out for 
Vienna. 

1689. 

Deeply did I regret not having remained 
with the army; then, perhaps, people would 



32 MEMOIRS OF 

not have thought of me or of my name. At 
length, after the finest defence in the world, 
I sacrificed my glory to my zeal — a sacrifice 
not a little painful. My three superior offi- 
cers, masters, and friends, Lorraine and Bava- 
ria, were gathering laurels in the empire, and 
Baden in Hungary, while I was sent to Italy as 
a negociator. The French ambassador at Tu- 
rin was not the dupe of my journey, under- 
taken, as it was given out, to see my family 
and the Duke of Savoy. He knew him, as well 
as I did, to be sordid, ambitious, deceitful, 
implacable, fearing and detesting Louis the 
Fourteenth, not attached to Leopold, but not 
bearing any personal enmity to him ; always 
ready to betray both, and led away by his 
mistresses and his ministers in any thing that 
was not connected with political affairs. 

Being unable, for this reason, to accomplish 
my purpose by means of either, I addressed him 
frankly as follows : — " Cousin, you will al- 
ways be the slave of your mortal enemy, if you 
do not declare for the emperor, who will confer 
on you the rank of royal highness and gene- 
ralissimo; and give you whatever you conquer 



PRINCE EUGENE. 33 

in Dauphiue and Provence ; and while you 
keep your intentions secret till every thing is 
ready, you may take your side." 

This, indeed, was working upon him by 
means of the four predominant qualities which 
I have underlined above. 

(f When and where shall I conclude this 
treaty?" said Victor Amedasus. (C Not at 
Turin, for the French ambassador would have 
suspicion of it." — " At Venice/' I replied. 
" The ensuing carnival, the Elector of Bava- 
ria, who, like your royal highness ( I began to 
give him this title without delay), is fond of 
amusement, will meet you there to sign it. 
This I answer for ; and from this time I trust 
to you to write to the King of France, to em- 
ploy evasions and excuses, to promise and to 
gain time." 

The four motives of all his measures which 
I have mentioned, assuring me of his conduct, 
but not his good faith, which I did not gua- 
rantee for any length of time, I gave my word 
to the^ emperor, on my speedy return to Vi- 

c 



54 MEMOIRS OF 

cnna, that this time my cousin would he on 
our side. Leopold thanked me much,, and re- 
warded me with permission to go and see the 
conclusion of the siege of Mentz, defended by 
D'Uxelles, which had then lasted six weeks. I 
arrived just in time for the attack of the co~ 
vered way, where I received a musket-ball, 
and returned to Vienna. 



1690. 

- Twent v thousand crowns a month from Eng- 
land, twenty thousand more from Holland, 
four millions for the expenc es of the war, a 
kind of subscription among all the petty 
princes of Italy, had more effect than my elo- 
quence, and converted the Duke of Savoy, for 
tome time, into the staunchest Austrian in the 
world. His conduct, which I shall not at- 
tempt to justify, reminds me of that formerly 
pursued by the Dukes of Lorraine, as well as 
the Dukes of Bavaria. Their geogi aphy pre- 
vents them from being men of honor. 

The emperor's ministers promised me seven 



PRINCE EUGENE. 35 

thousand men to go to the assistance of Victor 
Amedaeus. I knew with what tardiness orders 
are given and executed at Vienna; and eager to 
engage the French, whom I had never jet seen 
opposed to me, I went to join the Duke of Savoy 
in his camp at Villa Franca. " You are just in 
time/* said he ; " I am going to give battle 
to Catinat." — iC Be cautious what you do/' 
said I ; " he is an excellent general, and com- 
mands the old troops, the flower of the French 
army ; your's are new levies, and mine have 
not yet come up." — u What signifies that?" 
rejoined the duke. " I know the country bet- 
ter than Catinat : to-morrow I shall advance 
with my army to the Abbey of Staffarde." 

Instead of making the attack, we had to sus- 
tain it. The right wing, under the Duke of 
Savoy, was attacked in front : that of the 
French crossed morasses which were believed 
to be impassable, and having turned and beaten 
ours, both their wings united and fell upon our 
left, where I commanded. I made my retrea^ 
in as good order as I could, and in my rear- 
guard, composed of gendarmes and the life- 
guards of Savoy, I was slightly wounded by a 
c 2 



36 MEMOIRS OF 

spent ball. I did not chuse to remind my dear 
cousin of his presumption or my prediction ; 
but I endeavoured to retrieve matters a little, 
at least, in regard to glory : for some time af- 
terwards I had the good fortune to intercept a 
large detachment whiclrhad pillaged Tivoli. 
It fell into an ambuscade, from which, hear- 
ing the French coming, and singing to the 
utmost stretch of their throats, I sallied 
cut and cut them to pieces. I scolded my sol- 
diers severely for treating all the prisoners 
a la turque. They had forgotten that it is 
usual to give quarter to Christians. I pro- 
ceeded to chastise my old acquaintance the 
Duke of Mantua, the hero of Hersan, who 
had formed new connections. I then took my 
leave of the Duke of Savoy, who had lost every 
thing but Turin, and set out for Vienna, 

1691. 

I availed myself of my influence to conduct 
reinforcements to the Duke of Savoy : but on 
my arrival I surprised him giving a secret audi- 
ence to a French emissary. " Why was I denied 



PRINCE EUGENE. 37 

admission ?" said I to him as I entered. "Who 
is that man f "•— " I acknowledge/' said the 
duke, quite disconcerted, " that I am negoci- 
ating a little, by means of him, with Catinat : 
but it is with a view to deceive him the bet- 
ter, There/* added he, " is his letter, and co- 
pies of mine." — " I imagine/' said I, " that 
you nevertheless intend to retain the consider- 
able subsidies which I procured for you. 'Tis 
very embarrassing for your royal highness/' I 
watched him more narrowly than ever, well 
knowing whom I had to deal with. I saved 
his honor for this time, and contributed to 
his glory at the expence of his plans, by trick- 
ing Balonde, who was besieging Coni, and 
who, in consequence of a letter, which, as I 
foresaw, would be intercepted by some French 
party or other, raised the siege. Catinat re- 
crossed the Po. I charged his rear : he was 
there in person, and performed prodigies, both 
as a general and a soldier. I had but a few 
squadrons with me. Catinat, who was stronger 
than I, animated his men by his presence. I 
suffered my ardour to get the better of my 
judgment ; and pushed forward so far into the 



SB MEMOIRS OF 

combat, (hat after receiving several ball* 
through my clothes, a French horse-soldier 
was going- to blow out my brains with a 
pistol, when he was dispatched by a dragoon 
of my regiment, who was as highly pleased as 
myself, for I was much beloved by those brave 
fellows. Reinforcements poured in to us from 
all sides ; I went and took Carmagnole, where 
all my soldiers again behaved rather too much 
d la turque : but I made some examples. 
Catinat manoeuvred most wonderfully; he 
would have beaten us, had we not retreated. 
Langallerie even gained an important advan- 
tage over our rear, and it was this that after- 
wards induced me to take him into the service 
of the emperor. 

I accompanied the Elector of Bavaria, who 
had also been on our side in this campaign, to 
Venice, and again beheld with pleasure my 
old acquaintances. More amours, and for 
me too, had I been so inclined, husbands but 
too complaisant, who wished me to procure 
the dismission of cicisbeos, whom they dis- 
liked; too many Potiphars, to whom I acted 



PRINCE EUGENE. 33 



the part of Joseph., because I liad other 
matters to attend to. At the beginning of 
January I returned to Vienna. 

1692. 

I was very soon sent back to watch the 
motions of my Catinat, but more especially 
those of the Duke of Savoy. To keep him 
steady, I carried him the appointment of 
generalissimo, with which he was highly 
pleased. He would have marched immedi- 
ately to attack Catinat, under Pignerol : all 
his generals and those of his allies acquiesced 
in this intention, but I was far from approving 
it. t( Catinat is a skilful commander/' said 
I to him. " If he is beaten, he will have 
reinforcements ; if he beats us again, farewel 
to Italy. Let us oblige him to give up his 
conquests by a good diversion, which will 
humble the great Louis; let us amuse him 
in this country, and penetrate into Dauphine 
in spite of all the obstacles of the passes. 

My opinion prevailed : I went and took 
Quillestre and Embrun: there I received a 



*0 MEMOIRS OF 

contusion on the shoulder, in the trenches by 
the side of the Duke of Savoy ; and Commerci 
a ball which knocked out three of his teeth. 
There too I lost Leganes and fifteen hundred 
men; but at length I was in France. I 
then made myself master of Gap, and the 
Duke of Savoy would have marched by way 
of Si3teron to Aix, and perhaps to Lyons, 
without the least difficulty, but for the 
small-pox, which saved France and reduced 
him to the brink of the grave. By his will 
he appointed me regent of his dominions. The 
duchess on her arrival finding him not so ill 
as he had been, carried him with her to Turin. 
Stopped by this unlucky accident, which 
caused us to lose a great deal of time, and by 
the perplexity of his generals, who, not being 
exactly acquainted with their master's real 
intentions, knew not how far they ought to 
obey me; I was obliged to lead back the 
army by the same road, for Catinat was wait- 
ing for us near Brianc^on. 

" At least," said our soldiers, " we have 
revenged the atrocities of the French in the 
Palatinate, without doing it in their way ; we 



PRINCE EUGENE. 41 

have plundered prettj handsomely, and raised 
a million in contributions." There were 
cuirassiers who staked twenty louis oa a 
card. 

Ci Why did the king banish my mother ?" 
said 1 to CommercL: " I have been expelling 
from their homes several thousands of his 
subjects." The order of the Golden Fleece 
was sent to me at Turin ; and on my arrival 
at Vjenna, I was made field marshal, ten 
years after my entrance into the service. I 
was delighted, as may easily be conceived, but. 
grieved that Commerci was still but a major- 
general. 



1603. 

Victor Amedaeus designed to take Pignerol, 
and wait for Catinat in the plain of Orbassan. 
1 dissuaded him from this plan. " At least/' 
said I, " since you intend to fight near La 
Marsaille, make yourself master of the height 
of Piosasque." He was exasperated at the 
burning by way of retaliation of La Venerie, 



42 MEMOIRS OF 

a seat of his own, and another belonging to his 
minister St. Thomas, and sent a message to 
the French, that he would no longer give 
quarter to their soldiers. This point was 
already but too well settled. 

Catinat displayed on that day all his talents, 
and the Duke of Savoy his usual valor. The 
former, in possession of the height, had every 
advantage over both our wings, cut up, at the 
same time, in flank by liis artillery. What 
could I do in the centre ? I fought success- 
fully enough for some time, but overwhelmed 
on cither side, I retreated as honorably as I 
could. Catinat disapproved of the fury of 
his troops, who cried out : " Let us too treat 
the Germans d la tartar e." 

It was impossible to determine whether 
this unaccountable duke wished or did not 
wish to gain the battles which he fought; but 
these two were a warning to me ; and as it 
was known that I had advised him against 
them, I was on that account not the less in 
favor with the array, the city, and the court 
It was then, however, that I began to perceive 



FRLVCE EUGENE. 43 

that I had enemies. Caprara was the first ; 
he was jealous of me without occasion, for 
he possessed merit. He was at the head of 
the Austrian aqd Spanish cabal, which strove 
to torment me all my life, but which I always 
laughed at. 



1694. 

I went to Vienna to solicit reinforcements. 
I obtained them, but very late. Italy had 
ceased to be a la mode. Turkey, the empire, 
and the Low Countries, were more thought of. 
The ministers had no money : I returned to 
the Duke of Savoy, and said to him on my 
arrival :-— '■ You cannot give me the slip this 
campaign at least,' cousin : the siege of Casai 
shall be the pledge of your conduct : if you 
have no objection, let us begin it immediately." 
fC 'Tis indeed what I wish/' replied he, " but 
it will be very long ; in my opinion it will be 
better to blockade that fortress the whole 
winter, that we may reduce it in spring, M " At 
least," said I, (C let us take the Castle of St. 
George," and accordingly it was taken. What 



44 MEMOIRS OF 

a dull campaign ! and what a strange man 
was my cousin ! 

1605. 

I obliged him at length to form the siege. 
The snow forced us to abandon it till the end 
of June: I pushed it on briskly when I was 
in the trenches. Prince Charles of Branden- 
burg, relieving me there one day, received a 
musket-ball through his body. Crenon at 
length capitulated, and I would have laid 
siege to Pignerol. Every day new pretexts 
were made to oppose it, under the appearance 
of agreeing to the measure: we went into 
winter quarters. What a dull campaign ! 
and what a strange man was my cousin ! 

1606. 

He lost no time. To get away from the spies 
upon his conduct, whom I had left at Turin, 
thinking the carnival of Venice likely to 
excite suspicion, he contrived a journey t© 



PRINCE EUGENE. 45 

our lady of Loretto. It was, he said, in 
performance of a vow which he had made in 
the small-pox. Knowing the pilgrim to be 
any thing rather than.devout, I soon discovered 
that he had there met the agents of the pope, 
the Venetians? and the French, and I learned 
the conditions of the treaty. " I have already 
told you/' said I, to him, on his return to 
Turin, " that I watched you more closely 
than Catinat : you will not deceive me again/ ' 
(C 'Tis hard," replied he, " to be suspected by 
a relation." Scarcely had I left his closet, 
when I was informed of the publication of his 
truce with the French; and determined not to 
do him the honor of speaking to him again, 
I expressed my indignation in the severest 
letter I ever wrote in my life. Commerci, 
more hot-headed, sent him a challenge : the 
duke had accepted it, and was going to the 
place appointed for the meeting, but was pre- 
vented by his ministers and generals. 

He now threw off all restraint: He acknow- 
ledged that without wishing to be at war with 
any body, and desirous of putting an end to 
hostilities in Italy, he had concluded a treaty 



46 MEMOIRS OF 

of neutrality with Louis XIV. and that since 
the allies refused to accede to it, he would 
join the French. Catinat and the Duke of 
Savoy began operations by laying siege to 
Valence. The generals of the allies and 
myself, finding, after this junction,, that we 
were too weak to resist, and fearing for the 
Milanese, accepted the neutrality ; and each, 
after evacuating Italy, returned either to 
Germany, or to wait for the French on the 
other side of the mountains. 

Disappointed in the field and in negociation, 
I returned to Vienna, to acquaint the emperor 
with my melancholy situation, and that of our 
affairs. He observed that I had nothing to 
reproach myself with, and as a proof of his 
sincerity, he gave me the command of his 
army in Hungary; " For the rest, sire," said 
I, " since I still have Italy at heart, the only 
way to have the Duke of Savoy on our side 
is for him to declare against us. He will 
behave in the same manner to the French, 
and in a short time come over to us again." 

Louis XIV. supposing perhaps that I was 



PiUNCE EUGENE. 47 

discontented, or that others were dissatisfied 
with me, sent me a proposal to pass into his 
service. I gave a pretty reception to the 
person commissioned to speak to me on the 
subject, and who, I am sure, durst not transmit 
to him my answer such as it was. 



1007. 

The Turks are never in a hurry. The 
grand signor, Kara Muslapha, himself did me 
the honor to arrive at Sophia, with his army 
in the month of July. I collected mine at 
Verismarton ; I called in Vaudemont and 
Rabutin, as it appeared to me to be the grand 
signor's design to make himself master of 
Titul, that he might be able to lay siege to 
Peterwaradin. I encamped on the 26th of 
August at Zenta. General Nehm was at- 
tacked. I arrived too late to his assistance, 
but nevertheless praised him, for he could not 
have held out any longer, overwhelmed as he 
was by numbers. God be thanked, 1 never 
complained of any one, neither did I ever 



48 MEMOIRS OF 

throw upon another the blame of a fault or 
misfortune. Titul was burned. The grand 
vizir remained on this side of the Danube, 
which it was necessary for the grand signor 
to cross before he could lay siege to Peterwa- 
radin ; but marching along the bank of the 
river, and concealing my intention by my 
skirmishes with the spahis, I got before him, 
passed the bridge, and thus saved the place. 
This march, I must own, was well conducted, 
and equivalent to a victory. I entrenched myself 
with great dispatch, and the enemy durst 
not attack me. Among some prisoners whom 
we took, there happened to be a pacha, whom 
I questioned in vain respecting the designs of 
Kara Mustapha ; but four hussars, with 
drawn sabres, ready to cut him in pieces, ex- 
torted the confession that the enemy at first 
intended to make an attempt on Segedin ; but 
that the grand signor having afterwards 
changed his mind, had already begun to cross 
the Teisse ; and that great part of the army 
under the command of the grand v'vi'w was 
still in good entrenchments near Zenta. I was 
marching to attack them, when a cursed 



PRINCE EUGENE. 49 

Courier brought me an order from the empe- 
ror, not to give battle under any circumstance 
whatever. 

I had already advanced too far. By stop- 
ping where I was, I should have lost part of my 
army, and my honor. 1 put the letter in my 
pocket, and, at the head of six regiments of 
dragoons, approached so near to the Turks, 
as to perceive that they were all preparing to 
pass the Teisse. I rejoined my army with a 
look of satisfaction, which, I was told, was 
considered a good omen by the soldiers. I be- 
gan the engagement by charging in person two 
thousand spahis, whom I forced to return to 
their entrenchments. A hundred pieces of 
cannon annoyed me greatly. I sent orders to 
Rabutin to advance his left wing so as to form 
a curve with it towards the right : and to 
Stahrenberg, who commanded the right, to do 
the same towards the left, with a view to take 
in the whole entrenchment by a semicircle. 
This I could not have ventured to do before 
Catinat, who would have interrupted me in 
so slow and so complicated a movement. The 
Turks, however, gave me no molestation. 

D 



50 MEMOIRS OF 

They attacked my left wing too late ; yet 
they would have handled it roughly, but for 
four battalions of the second line, and the 
artillery, which I sent very opportunely to 
repel their cavalry, and make a breach in the 
entrenchments. It was six in the evening. 
The Turks, assaulted, and their entrench- 
ments forced in all points, hurried in crowds 
to the bridge and choaked it up, so that they 
were obliged to throw themselves into the 
Teisse, where those who escaped drowning 
were killed. On every side was heard the 
cry of Aman ! Aman ! which signifies Quar- 
ter ! At ten at night, the slaughter still con- 
tinued ; I could not take more than four thou- 
sand prisoners, for twenty thousand were left 
dead on the field, and ten thousand were drown- 
ed. I did not lose a thousand men. Those 
alone who first betook themselves to flight at 
the commencement of the battle, rejoined the 
corps which had remained on the opposite side 
of the river. (21) It was the 1 1th of September: 
I sent Vaudemont (22) with the account of this 
affair to Vienna. I then went and took two forts 
and two castles in Bosnia, burned Scraio, (23) 
and returned to Hungary into winter quarters. 



PRINCE EUGENE. 51 

I set out for Vienna, where I expected to 
be received a hundred times better than I 
had ever yet been. Leopold gave me the 
coldest of audiences ; more dry than ever, 
he listened to me without saying a word. 
I instantly perceived that somebody or other 
had been at work during my absence, and 
that while I was ridding myself of the 
Turks, some good Christians at Vienna had 
been trying to get rid of me. I went away 
from the audience with a feeling of indig- 
nation, which grew still stronger when 
Schlick, (24)in great consternation, came and 
demanded my sword. I delivered it into his 
trembling hand with a look of the profound- 
cst disdain, which served to increase his 
dismay. It was reported that I said : ee Take 
it, yet reeking with the blood of enemies ; 
I have no wish to resume it, except for the 
benefit of his majesty's service." One half 
of this sentence would have been a gascon- 
ade, and the other a mean resignation. My 
rage was silent. I was put under arrest in 
my hotel. Here I was soon informed that 
Gaspard Kinsky, and some others, wished 
me to be brought to trial for disobedience 



52 MEMOIRS OF 

and rashness, and that I was to be tried by 
a court-martial, by which I should proba- 
bly be sentenced to die. This report was 
soon circulated through the whole city. 
The people assembled about my house; depu- 
ties from the body of citizens offered to guard 
me and to prevent my being taken away, 
in case of any determination to put the above 
mentioned design in execution. I entreated 
them not to violate their duty as loyal sub- 
jects, nor to disturb the public tranquillity: 
I thanked them for their zeal, by which I 
was moved even to tears. The city of Vien- 
na is small. This assemblage of the people 
was known at court in a few minutes. Either 
from fear or repentance, the emperor sent 
me my sword, with the request that I would 
still continue to command his army in Hun- 
gary. I replied I would, on condition that 
I should have a carte blanche, and be no 
longer exposed to the malice of his generals 
&nd ministers. The poor emperor durst not 
publicly give me these full powers, though 
he did privately in a note signed with his 
own hand ; and with this I thought proper 
to be content. 



PRINCE EUGENE. 53 

This anecdote of Leopold, whom I pity 
for not having felt that a more signal re- 
paration was due to me, fully demonstrates 
the falsehood of a saving which has been as- 
cribed to me ; that of the three emperors 
whom I have served, the first was my fa- 
ther, the second my brother, and the third 
my master. A pretty sort of a father truly, 
to order my head to be cut off for having 
saved his empire ! 

I must turn mv eves another wav to look 
for enersw. Behold it in the north, friaries 
XII. King of Sweden, at the age of fifteen, 
is the mediator of peace between the 
ropean powers. Xt was signed at Ryswick 
on the 2 1st of September. 

1608. 

In consequence of this, my army receiv- 
ed reinforcements from that of Germany : 
nevertheless the Turks were four times 
as strong. I was disappointed of gaining 



54 MEMOIRS OF 

another battle of Zenta. In vain I marched 
and countermarched ; the infidels every where 
entrenched themselves. I then retreated to 
induce them to leave their holes : all my 
endeavours were fruitless. I would have 
marched into Bosnia; but they had received 
a reinforcement of forty thousand Tartars,, 
and all the passes were guarded. I would 
have invested Temeswar ; but they would 
have obliged me to raise the siege. Before 
they could have time to assemble for this 
operation I thought 1 should be able to 
make myself master of the place by inter- 
cepting a prodigious convoy on the point 
of entering it. I marched thither myself at 
the head of my cavalry, placing my infantry 
in ambuscade. A hussar who deserted oc- 
casioned the failure of this attempt. This 
was the most wretched campaign for my 
glory that ever I made in my life. I exe- 
cuted only thirty ringleaders of a plot to 
revolt, formed by seven regiments, which, 
having received no pay for four months 
(for the court left me destitute of money) 
had resolved to go over to the Turks. On 



PRINCE EUGENE. 55 

the 26th of January, the peace of Carlowitz 
was signed, that as usual, war might be 
carried on elsewhere. 



1699. 

I sent back my army, and set out for Vienna. 
This year I began my fine library, and con- 
ceived a passion for gardens and palaces. 

I purchased from time to time, some beau- 
tiful cabinet paintings and drawings that 
were not known. I was not rich enough 
to form a gallery, and was not fond of 
engravings, because other persons may pos- 
sess the same. I never liked copies of any 
kind, and those talents which run away with 
valuable time. A few wind-instruments, mar- 
tial airs, hunting-tunes, flourishes of trum- 
pets, or pleasing airs of comic operas, reliev- 
ed me, during dinner, from the necessity 
of speaking or listening to tiresome persons. 



56 ' MEMOIRS 0! 



1700. 



A century of continual war was now at 
an end ; the celebrated peace of Westphalia 
in 1648, which was to extend to all Europe, 
had not accomplished its object. The good 
advisers of Leopold, and Leopold himself, 
not corrected by my example, would have 
brought Prince Louis of Baden to a court- 
martial for his campaign on the Rhine. Salm 
and Kaunitz were the only honest men who op- 
posed this measure; they would, however, have 
been overpowered but for me. Influenced 
as much by justice as by consanguinity (25) 
and intimate friendship, which I retained for 
him through my whole life, I loudly censured 
the proceeding, at the same time shewing 
that I had not forgotten Zenta. 

After the peace of Carlowitz, France was 
so polite as to send us M. Villars as her 
ambassador. (26) He was received with great 
distinction by all those with whom he had 
been acquainted in Hungary, where he had 



PRINCE EUGENE. 5? 

gained great reputation as a volunteer, and 
by the whole city, who thought him ex- 
tremely amiable. But intrigues were carried 
on at his court against ours without his 
knowledge. He was highly astonished at the 
coldness with which he was all at one treated] 
Notwithstanding the friendship of the king 
of the Romans for me, I could not prevail 
upon him to relax in this respect. (27) " Of 
what use," said I to him, and to the cour- 
tiers and generals who followed his example, 
" is this personal antipathy, which M. Villars 
does not deserve ? I shall see him, and con- 
tinue on friendly terms with him, till we 
begin to fire upon one another again." 
Prince Louis t)f Baden acted in the same 
manner, though we were not the better liked 
for it. We all three parted very good 
friends. (28) We missed his company much ; 
for when Louis XIV. had at length completed 
all his machinations, and thrown off the 
mask, he departed. Previous to this we had 
the following conversation : 

l( It is not my fault/' said he, "if, with- 
out knowing how to suppress your rebellion 



58 MEMOIRS OF 

in Hungary, you are determined to make 
war upon us. I had rather your highness 
would do like those gentlemen who have 
turned their backs upcn n;e here, as they 
will do elsewhere, if I command an army/' 
This was truly a sally d la Villars. t( You 
hope perhaps that the Turks will interfere, 
because the abbe Joachim has predicted that 
the empress will have twins, one of whom 
shall sit on the throne of Constantinople." (29) 
" I am not angry with you, M. de Villars," 
replied I, " for in your correspondence, which 
to be sure is a little in the light French 
style, you have transmitted to your court 
a portrait of me drawn by the hand of friend- 
ship ; but there are people *who complain 
of certain inadvertencies, and the court of 
having read in one of your dispatches : ' We 
shall see if the Christ in Leopold's chapel 
will speak to him as he did to Ferdinand 
II. He is there still, I have seen him with 
my own eyes.' Private individuals never 
forgive a satire; judge then of the effect 
which a sarcasm must produce upon a sove- 
reign." " It is only with great reserve in 
conversation," said he, <c that I have sup- 



PRINCE EUGENE. 59 

ported myself in this country. I am angry 
with your Austrians, who, among the tales 
which they invent concerning me, assert that 
I conspired with Ragotzi against the person 
of the emperor/' <c I can tell you/ 5 answered 
I, iC what gave rise to this stupid idea. 
People recollected an expression in a letter 
intercepted while you were a volunteer in 
our service : c I am an Austrian with the 
army, but a Frenchman at Vienna/ This 
implies a great deal, said the fools. No 
conspiracies have ever been formed against 
our emperors ; they have never been assas- 
sinated. We have no Clements or Ravail- 
lacs. (30) The people are not enthusiasts, as 
with you, but for that very reason, they do 
not run into extremes. Crimes indeed are very 
rare in Austria. Last year some persons 
wanted to persuade Leopold that a design 
had been formed to kill him because a ball 
went through his hat while hunting. c Seek 
the man/ said he, with his Spanish air ; 
' he is a bungler one way or other; he is 
dying of fear or of hunger ; give him a 
thousand ducats/ 1 



GO MEMOIRS OF 



1701. 



The war being on the point of breaking 
out afresh on account of the Spanish suc- 
cession, a great council was held on the 
subject. I gave it as my opinion that the 
Archduke should be immediately sent to 
Spain, and that an army should enter Lom- 
bard}'. It was rejected by Leopold's honest 
advisers; but they had reason to repent it. 
Prince Louis was appointed to the chief 
command in the Empire as I was in Italy. 

I had thirty thousand good veteran troops. 
The Duke of Mantua having a French 
garrison placed in his capital, I know not 
whether with or without his consent, pre- 
tended that it was a commencement of 
hostilities on the part of Catinat : this af- 
forded me a pretext for beginning mine. — 
But a word or two respecting this Duke, of 
whom I have already made mention. For- 
migha was almost his prime minister. The 
Abbe Fantoni, his lord of the bed-chamber, 



PRINCE EUGENE. 61 

sometimes provided him courtezans, like one 
Mathia ; sometimes a mistress, like the 
Countess Calori ; and at others a wife to 
secure him in the interest of Louis XIV. 
like a Conde or an Elbceuf, furnished by 
the king. Both of them being gained by 
France, prevented his marrying an Aremberg, 
who would have rendered him favorable to 
us. The Duke had nevertheless a seraglio 
guarded by eunuchs. Never was there seen 
so strange a creature. — Thanks to him, how- 
ever, I was now in the full career of war,, 
after ten days of incredible labor among 
mountains and precipices with two thousand 
pioneers ; and part of my subsequent success 
was already decided because I did not respect 
the neutrality of the republic of Venice. 

Catinat, having received from his court 
positive orders not to violate that neutral ity, 
could not oppose my entering the Veronese. 
On leaving the Trentino, I sent my excuses 
by a / major to the most Serene Republic, and 
continued my march. Catinat was waiting 
for me at another place, where I should 
have had defiles to pass through, and have 



62 MEMOIRS OF 

been beaten, but for the expedient, not the 
most delicate, indeed, which I had adopted. 
This was a proper case for urging imperious 
circumstances, misunderstanding, and the un- 
certainty of a general permission in a republic, 
as an excuse, and I failed not to avail 
myself of it. By passing the Adige and the 
Po, I induced Catinat to extend his army ; I 
attacked and routed St. Fremont at Carpi. 
Tesse came to his relief and prevented his 
total destruction, which would have been 
inevitable had riot the roads stopped Com- 
merci with my cavalry. I nevertheless put 
to flight those two generals, cut off from 
Catinat, who was waiting for me at Ostiglia, 
and while pursuing and charging them at the 
head of the cuirassiers, I received a severe 
wound from a musket-shot in my left knee. 
Having joined Commerci, Catinat durst not 
give me battle, or rather go on with that 
which had been almost one continued action. 
He took advantage of the night to cross the 
Mincio. I followed him front the other 
side of the river, because he had not 
time to call in all his detachments ; and the 
Duke of Savoy, who began his old tricks, 



PRINCE EUGENE. 63 

had not thought fit to send him his troops. 
Catinat retreated upon Chiesa, and thus was 
I master of all the country between the 
Adige and the Adda, excepting Mantua. 
I had kept up a regular correspondence 
with Victor Amedaeus, with whom I had 
a notion that I should be able to do some- 
thing. One must employ artifice in Italy. 
I bribed a Franciscan of Mantua, and he 
gained over the whole convent. Under the 
pretence of confessing us in our camp, the 
monks carried arms away with them under 
their clothes to dispatch the guard at the 
nearest gate, which they were to open to my 
soldiers disguised as peasants, one day when 
I was to go with a large retinue to hear 
mass at Notre Dame de Grace. They had 
likewise gained the inhabitants ; but being 
discovered and disarmed, they were punished 
as they deserved, and thus my scheme was 
frustrated. 

The Duke of Savoy, satisfied with having 
again become generalissimo, and married his 
daughter to the Duke of Burgundy, re- 
paired to the army of the two crowns. 



64 MEMOIRS OF 

I paid him my compliments out of respect, 
and made him a present, out of friendship, 
of some beautiful Turkish horses, some of 
the spoils of Zenta. He ventured to accept 
but one. Louis XIV. angry because I had 
deceived Catinat, did me the great favor 
of putting the ignorant and presumptuous 
Villeroy (31) in the place of one of the best 
generals that France ever had. When the 
Duke of Savoy proposed to undertake any 
thing, and said to him (c I am generalissimo .:" 
Villeroy would reply, (< I have orders from 
the I£ing." So indeed he had to seek me 
wherever I might be, and to engage me. My 
cousin had the kindness to apprize me of this. 
( 32 ) I wanted Chiari for the head of my camp : 
the Venetian commandant talked to me about 
neutrality, but I told him that was a thing 
I only laughed at. He requested me to ac- 
cept his protest, and I signed just what he 
pleased. The enemy outwitted me ; I was 
his dupe this time I must confess. Pracontal 
with all the drums of the army made such 
a noise at the bridge of Paluzzuolo, that 
the corps destined to prevent the passage 
of the Oglio continued there, and the enemy 



PRINCE EUGENE. 63 

crossed in another place. I took a position 
so as to front on three sides. The generous 
Catinat, instead of rejoicing to see his com- 
mander beaten, said to him : ff Do not fight; 
let us retreat/' The Duke of Savoy, on the 
contrary, who wished Villeroy to get a sound 
drubbing, said, " Fight ! let us attack ! 
Catinat is timid, you know." 

On the 1st of September, on my left my 
post of Chiari, notwithstanding its excellence, 
was nearly forced by the unparalleled im- 
petuosity of the French : the houses, mills, 
and all were already carried. Never did I 
witness such valor. Daun drove them back. 
My right, concealed on the ground behind 
an entrenchment, suddenly started up and 
fired when the enemy had advanced quite 
close. Villeroy ordered an attempt to be 
made with the centre ; but this scarcely ever 
succeeds when the wings are beaten. 

The worthy, the admirable Catinat rallied 
the troops, led them back to the attack, and 
received a severe contusion on the breast, and 
a shot in his hand. As for Victor Amedaeus, 

B 



66 MEMOIRS OF 

he was every where ; he exposed himself like 
the most determined of the soldiers, and had a 
horse killed under him. What a singular 
character ! This time he wished to lose the 
battle; but habitual courage stifled the sug- 
gestions of policy. 

Notwithstanding the loss of the combined 
army,(33)it was still much stronger than mine. 
I again took a good position ; the two advan- 
tages which I had gained had somewhat 
lowered the presumption and lofty tone of 
Villeroy. The only actions now fought were 
between the advanced posts and small detach- 
ments. Mine always had the advantage, be- 
cause my spies, to whom I often gave three 
hundred ducats for a trifling piece of infor- 
mation, apprised me of the slightest move- 
ment. The only thing to be done was to 
decamp; the first who should break up ran 
the risk of being beaten, and it was neverthe- 
less absolutely necessary to go into winter 
quarters. 

My horses were destitute of nrovender ; 
dead leaves were given them to eat ; my men 



PRINCE EUGENE. . 67 

fell away perceptibly,, but were attached to 
me, and endured their hardships with patience; 
while Villeroy's, who likewise suffered, but 
in a much less degree, deserted by hundreds. 
I set an example of temperance and patience. 
To relieve our ennui, my Vaudemont formed 
a plan for carrying off his father from his 
quarters. Awakened by the discharge of a 
musket, he escaped in his morning gown, and 
this attempt of filial piety miscarried. So 
did my scheme too ; for Catinat stole away 
under favor of the night from his camp, 
and repassed the Oglio. Deceived, or rather 
ill served on this occasion, which was never- 
theless of great importance to me, I hurried 
thither in spite of the darkness, and instead 
of destroying Villeroy, only took from him 
four hundred prisoners, and to be sure did 
some execution on the other side of the river 
with my artillery, which followed me at full 



ga 



Hop. 



The French, dying of hunger and fatigue, 

went into cantonments. The Venetians would 

not give me any in the Bressano. To fight 

with the prospect of being beaten, and to 

e2 



68 MEMOIRS OF 

retire into Tyrol, appeared to me to be equally 
bard. Whither was I then to go for the win- 
ter ? Judging the most hazardous step to be 
the most prudent, I threw myself into the 
territories of Mantua, took by assault Canette, 
the ancient Bibriacum, thanks to one of 
Daun's men, who amidst a shower of shot 
cut the rope of a draw-bridge, and after- 
wards made myself master of Mascaria* 
Rodolesco, and the bridge of Gazolo. 

Two little disasters befel detachments of 
mine, I know not whether through my fault, 
or through the fault of Drack, who command- 
ed one, or of Merci, who commanded the 
other. The latter was taken prisoner, and 
was just going to be put to death by way of 
retaliation when he was saved by a French of- 
ficer. He had fallen into, an ambuscade 
formed by Tesse, who had left Mantua upon 
this expedition, which did him honor. I 
gained possession, notwithstanding, of all the 
Mantuano, excepting Goito and Mantua, 
which I blockaded. I know not whether it 
was the heart or the understanding of the 
Princess of Mirandola that pleaded with her 



PRINCE EUGENE. 69 

in my behalf; but she gave a grand supper to 
all the principal French officers to afford me 
an opportunity of surprising the place. I 
took Berselo in spite of the Duke of Modena, 
who made believe to oppose me. The Duke 
of Parma absolutely insisted that my troops 
should not enter his dominions : I laughed at 
his protestations and those of the Pope, whose 
vassal he called himself. Guastalla had al- 
ready surrendered to me, and after having 
thus set to rights all these petty princes of 
Italy, I occupied three of their provinces to 
give rest to my troops during the whole 
winter. 



1702. 

To myself alone I allowed none; I posted 
from one quarter to another, and observed with 
pleasure the negligence that prevailed among 
the French. "I must," said Villeroy, "m ke 
these three princes dance the rigadoon du- 
ring the carnival. " This excited in us a 
desire to anticipate him by surprising Cre- 
mona, by Commerci on one side, and Vaude- 



10 MEMOIRS OF 

mont on the other. The latter lost his way in 
thenight: one of my detachments had entered 
by a sewer; I -was already master of one of 
the gates of the city, the barracks, and some 
streets. These lines, put into the mouths of the 
French soldiers, record the rest of the story, 
which is besides perfectly well known : (34 ) 

By the favor of Bellona, 

And Fortune's smiles most liberal, 

We again have found Cremona, 
And have lost our general. 

Villeroy, taken by our soldiers, who had 
thrown him down from his horse, without hat, 
without wig, and without sword, so that it 
was impossible to know him again, said to 
Macdonnel, " I am the Marshal ; save me, 
and I will give you a regiment of cavalry and 
a pension of two thousand crowns." The 
streets were dyed with blood. To put an end 
to all these petty conflicts, I sent Commerci 
to ask Villeroy to order them all to cease, 
and the French to surrender. He had the 
good sense to reply : <c Who would obey a 
prisoner? " — And when he saw Crenan, who 
had been killed, carried along, he observed : 



PRLNCE EUGENE. 71 

"I en vy his fate." I repaired to the town- 
house to rouse the citizens. Mahoni said to 
one of my officers: " Quarter for M Frei- 
berg!" — " 'Tis not a day for mercy/' replied 
the latter; "do your duty and I will do 
mine," — and Freiberg was killed. Our sol- 
diers, and in particular the cuirassiers, with 
whom I was not perfectly satisfied on the score 
of courage and order, were repulsed on every 
side. Before they were completely driven out 
of the city, I went to see Villeroy, whom I 
could not help pitying. I sent him off to 
Inspruck, and issued orders for a retreat, 
which it would have been extremely difficult 
to effect, ifjCrequi had cut me off from the 
rest of my army. (35) I admired the valor of 
the French, roused from their sleep, and half 
naked, every where making the most deter- 
mined resistance, and also the intelligence of 
their officers. In this qualification mine were 
extremely deficient. I had the glory of sur- 
prising and the disgrace of not keeping what 
I had gained : but when you are unsuccessful, 
'tis much the same as if you had made no 
attempt. I went to invest Mantua more 
closely: its duke was dying of fear and famine. 



?* MEMOIRS OF 

notwithstanding all the exertions of Tesse, 
who behaved most admirably : he had even 
the address sometimes to deceive my parties, 
while he introduced supplies of provisions 
into the city. 

The able, the intrepid, the good, the amia- 
ble, the generous, the dexterous discoverer of 
his enemies' projects, sometimes indiscreet re- 
specting his own, the affable, the indolent 
Vendome( 36 )came to succeed Villeroy. On his 
arrival he made several movements with his 
army: I did the same with mine, clearly per- 
ceiving that it was his intention to attack me, 
or to relieve Mantua. The court of Vienna 
not having given me a sufficient number of 
troops, either out of malice, or from the want 
of means, this outset of Vendome's was highly 
brilliant : he took from me all my small towns 
and all my communications. I entrenched my- 
jelf wherever I went; and the better to watch 
his motions, I took a camp very near his. 

Churlish people have found fault with me 
for the attempt to ^eize Vendome in his house 
at Rivalto, on the banks of the lake of Man- 



PRINCE EUGENE. 75 

tua, where he had his head-quarters, made by 
Davia., whom I sent for the purpose with fifty 
men in boats. One of his soldiers killed the 
sentinel, whom Davia had directed to be car- 
ried off. The guard hastened to the spot. 
Davia re-embarked, and did wrong to order 
his men, as they were coming away, to fire at 
Vendome's windows. 

In the first place, in war let him trick the 
other who can; and in the next it was doing 
him an honor; for Catinat himself would not 
have executed his manoeuvres with such ra- 
pidity. At any rate he was soon even with me. 
Vendome caused twelve pieces of cannon to be 
placed on a height, and ordered them to play 
upon my house. I rose, for it was ready to 
tumble about my ears. Commerces was burned 
by the red-hot balls, and others battered down; 
the tents of my guard were pierced, and about 
a hundred men killed. This I thought per- 
fectly natural, but rather long, for the can- 
nonade lasted three hours, though I never 
complained of it. 

Unwilling to remove any farther from Man- 



^4 MEMOIRS OF 

tua, I raised the entrenchments of my camp io 
the height of twenty feet. Who would be- 
lieve that I had learned something from the 
Turks, and that the Turks had learned some- 
thing from the Romans? This practice mast, 
I should think, have been transmitted to them 
by colonies of that people, like the Etruscan 
forms of vases and pitchers, which are to 
be found in every cottage. I return to my 
subject. 

I could not boast of the smallest advantage 
over Vendome. A large detachment to watch 
him, commanded by Visconti, who had three 
horses killed under him, was surprised and 
beaten. Commerci, though with nothing but 
his boots on his bare legs, arrived too late, 
and without being obliged to go, for he was 
ili. I plainly perceived that I must raise the 
blockade of Mantua, collect all my detach- 
ments and little garrisons, and give battle with 
my twenty-six thousand men. I marched to- 
wards the Seraio, and Vendome to Luzara, 
from which place the little garrison that I still 
had there retired to a tower. From the Se- 
raio I went and crossed the Po, at the com- 



Prince eugene. 75 

nienceraent of the canal of Zero, and concealed 
all my infantry behind a great dyke, near the 
spot upon which the enemy had fixed for his 
camp. At the moment when the combined 
army;, deceived by my spies, was just about to 
enter the place, we were discovered by the 
greatest of accidents. I ordered my soldiers 
to climb the dyke ; they scrambled up as well 
as ihqj could, and I rushed upon the enemy, 
who had not time to form in order of battle. 
My cavalry, with fascines, which I had given 
them for the purpose, made a passage to sup- 
port my infantry. The gallant Commerci, my 
dearest friend and my best general, fell while 
engaging the left wing. Lichtenstein took his 
place, and was likewise killed. Langalierie 
rallied that wing and repulsed the. victors, 
afflicted by the loss of their officers. They 
returned to the charge, and recovered their 
ground. Meanwhile my left wing was beaten. 
Stahrenberg rallied it. Vaudemont came to 
its assistance, and performed prodigies. I was 
successful in the centre, notwithstanding the 
presence of Vendome, who was also in the 
centre of his army; and yet I should have 
been defeated, had I not remarked that part 



?6 MEMOIRS OF 

of my cavalry, hitherto of no use, as was like- 
wise that of the allies, from the nature of the 
ground, might, by crossing some ditches of 
no great breadth, and passing through some 
copses, by no means thick, decide the success 
of my left, and ensure mine. It would seem that 
it is lying upon the field of battle which ren- 
dcrsthe victory certain. (37) It wasapparently 
out of politeness to the King of Spain that 
Vendome ordered Te Deumto be sung. I was 
informed that the Duke of Mantua was by the 
side of that king during the whole battle, 
which gives me ahigh ideaof his prudence. ( 38 ) 
As for the Duke of Savoy, he had none of that 
kind of prudence; he fought in his usual way, 
but displeased every body by his subtlety. He 
had been ill received when he repaired to the 
army of Philip V. who left it two days after 
the battle, and returned to Spain. Before I 
abandoned Mantua entirely, I attempted to 
gain admission into the city by means of my 
clandestine agents, but was again disappointed. 
A deserter prevented my being taken when on 
the point of falling into an ambuscade. I had 
done all that I could do : I had gained some 
glory and lost a great deal of ground. It was 



PRINCE EUGENE. 77 

not my fault : only consider the superiority of 
Vendome's army, which was double the num- 
ber of mine. Of all my posts I. retained Os- 
tiglia alone; and yet I would not 2:0 into win- 
ter quarters till I had seen the French into 
their's. I sent Solari to cover the Trentino, 
and set out for Vienna, where I had not been 
for two years. 



1 703. 

The emperor made me war-minister in- 
stead of Mansfeld. I told him that war could 
not be carried on without troops and money; 
that for six months the men had received none, 
and been in want of every necessary. I wished 
the other commanders to be better supplied 
than I had been ; and this was accordingly 
done. I put a stop to the peculations commit- 
ted in every department. I said to the empe- 
ror, "Your army, Sire, is your monarchy; 
without it your dominions will yet fall a prej ? 
to the Turks, the French, or perhaps one of 
these days to the Hungarians. Your capital 
is a frontier town. Your Majesty has no for- 



78 MEMOIRS OF 

tress on any side; every one is paid excepting 
those who serve you. Make peace. Sire, if 
you cannot carry on war; and it is evident 
that you cannot without the money of England. 
What are your ministers doing, to take no ad-, 
vantage of the hatred against France, and to 
erarbroil you with all Europe, even with your 
own subjects ? Besides, if your Imperial Ma- 
jesty does not give me orders to bring over en- 
tirely to onr side the Duke of Savoy, who is 
half gained already, you will never be fortu- 
nate in Italy." I carried my point. This was 
the only ministerial success I met with this 
year ; and my only military success consisted 
in repulsing the Hungarian rebels so smartly 
as to prevent any farther alarm at Vienna, and 
to save Presburg. Though minister at war, 
I could not even give myself the army which 
Leopold had promised me, and was unable to 
do any thing farther. 



1704. 

This was no great deal indeed ; but at 
last, as I had foreseen, Caroli, at the head of 



PRINCE EUGENE. 79 

the malcontents, entered the suburbs of Vienna 
on Easter Sunday. I know not why they were 
afraid, and did not proceed to the court; for 
I found it a difficult task to collect the little 
garrison and the citizens, whom I posted be- 
hind an entrenchment which I ordered to be 
hastily thrown up at St. Mark's, and which 
was afterwards continued on the right and left 
to the Danube. The few troops that we had 
between Vienna and Presburg, and between 
Presburg and Itaab, had been dispersed. In 
vain I begged that reinforcements might be 
sent to them. Owing to this lesson, some were 
given to Heister, who cut off the retreat of 
the scouts that had been to Vienna, and de- 
feated the detachments coming to their aid. I 
went myself into Hungary to conduct the war 
for a moment, and then to conclude an ac- 
commodation with Ragotzi, Berezeni, &c. 

Leopold could never bear to hear plain 
truths but when he was afraid. Where is the 
mistress or the friend to whom they can be 
told with impunity — much less a great sove- 
reign, spoiled by slaves, who accompany him 
every day to church, but not his generals to 



£0 MEMOIRS OF 

war? In urgent cases I requested an extraor- 
dinary audience of him, as if I had been the 
ambassador of some foreign power, and this I 
obtained but very seldom. 

" Forced levies, once more," said I; " mi- 
litia, a loan in Holland, which is good for no- 
thing else. Few taxes, but a kind of capita- 
tion, and no bounties to monks and courtiers, 
though the court itself ought always to be 
magnificent. Of whatuse is it, in conferences 
with monied men, who are acquainted with 
the resources of states, and the specie of dif- 
ferent countries, to read memoirs to be discus- 
sed before your Majesty ? They laugh at our 
finances, while, for my part, I weep over them. 
Try to find out, if possible, a Colbert in your 
dominions. " 

What I obtained was the power of nego- 
ciating quite alone, and I gained over to our 
side Queen Anne and Marlborough. I went 
to meet him at Heilbronn, to concert measures 
with him and Prince Louis of Baden, whom 
I had not seen for a considerable time I 
took upon myself the defence of the lines of 



PRINCE EUGENE. 81 

Behel, and left them to follow Tallard, who 
was endeavouring to join the Elector of Ba- 
varia. If I am not fortunate enough to pre- 
vent their junction,, thought I, the worst 
that can befal me is to fight both together, 
which will save me the trouble of engaging 
them separately. Tallard and Marsin had 
two other sorts of presumption than Villeroy, 
and more understanding. The presumption, 
of the one was founded on the victory gained 
by him at Spire; (39) that of the other on 
the divine protection, which, by the cabals of 
the pious, had certainly proved as beneficial 
to him as the 'patronage of the court. Tal- 
lard was as short-sighted morally as he was 
physically. Marsin was more penetrating, 
possessed more talents, but luckily no pru- 
dence. 

Had they exercised patience, without fight- 
ing me, they would have obliged me to aban- 
don Bavaria, for I had no place in that coun- 
try where I could form my magazines, except 
Nordiingen; but these gentlemen were in a 
great hurry, and the elector was furious at 
the pillage which I had suffered Marlborough 



82 MEMOIRS OF 

to commit, (40) and who, in consequence, be- 
came my firm friend. We sincerely loved and 
esteemed each other. He was indeed a great 
statesman and general. 

They had eighty thousand men, and so had 
we. Why were the French separated from 
the Bavarians? Why did they encamp so far 
from the rivulet' which would have embar- 
rassed us in the attack ? Why did they place 
twenty-seven battalions and twelve squadron* 
in Blenheim ? Why did they scatter so many 
troops in other villages ? Marlborough was 
more fortunate than I in his passage of the 
rivulet, and his fine attack. A little steep- 
ness of the bank occasioned my being half an 
hour later. My infantry behaved very well, 
but my cavalry very ill. I had a horse 
killed under me. Marlborough was checked., 
but not repulsed. I succeeded in f allying 
the regiments, which were shy at first, and 
led them four times to <he charge. Marl- 
borough, with his iufautrV and artillery, and 
gometimes with his cavalry, cleared away that 
of the enemy, and took Blenheim. We were 
be&ien for a moment by the gendarmerie, but 



PRINCE EUGENE. 83 

at length we threw them into the Danube, 
I was under the greatest obligations to Marl- 
borough for his changes in the dispositions 
according to circumstances. A Bavarian 
dragoon took aim at me; one of my Danes 
fortunately anticipated him. We lost nine 
thousand men ; but twelve thousand eight 
hundred French killed,, and twenty thousand 
eight hundred taken prisoners, prevented them 
this time from sinking their usual Te Deum 
for their defeats, which they never acknow- 
ledge. (41) I wrote to the King of Prussia to 
inform him of the gallant conduct of Anhalt 
and his corps. 

The poor elector, with his corps, joined 
Viileroy, who had marched to favour his re- 
treat. They mournfully ea braced. e( I have 
sacrificed my dominions for the king/' said 
the former, Si and I am ready to sacrifice my 
life for him." The duke and prince (for 
Marlborough was now created a prince of the 
empire), Louis of Baden, and I, went to 
amuse ourselves at Stuttgafd. The second 
took Landau, the first Trarbach, while I 
narrowly missed the two Brisachs : the one 
f2 



$* MEMOIRS OF 

because the governor of Fribourg mistook 
his way, and the other from the false delicacy 
of the lieutenant-colonel, whom I had di- 
rected to enter as a courier with some others, 
and who being unable to endure a caning 
from an overseer of the works of the place, 
ordered him to be fired upon. (42) This was 
indeed insisting very unseasonably on a point 
of honor, and the only occasion on which a 
man might, without disgrace, receive a thrash- 
ing. Had we succeeded, he would rather 
have been envied than reproached for it. I 
proceeded to Ingolstadt, which was on the 
point of surrendering, but was prevented by 
the valor of a French regiment, composed 
of brave deserters in the Bavarian service. 
They disregarded alike my promises and my 
threats: but astonishing them by the gene- 
rous offer of sending them home under an 
escort, that nothing might happen to them, 
they evacuated Ingolstadt; and with the ex- 
ception of Munich, all Bavaria was our's, 
thanks to the treaty which I concluded with 
the electress. The conditions were hard ; 
she refused them ; but by means of father 
Schuhmacher, a good Jesuit, her confessor, 



PRINCE EUGENE. 85 

I prevailed on her to sign them, and set out 
for Vienna. 



1705. 

> •.■'*■- 

Feeling for the condition of the Duke of 
Savoy, who had again become a staunch Aus- 
trian, and not being supported by the Court 
of Vienna, had been reduced to the brink 
of ruin ; (43) I represented it to the emperor. 
" Well," said he, " take hin? reinforcements* 
and command the army in Italy." — " Sire," I 
replied, cc I remember my last campaign, in 
which, being left without money and without 
troops, either through stupidity or roguery, 
malice or jealousy, I was made to relinquish 
the blockade of Mantua, to lose all the'towns 
which I had taken, and to derive no benefit 
from my victory at Luzara. They inter- 
cepted my letters to your Majesty, and want 
to compromise my honor. I would rather 
lay all my employments at your feet^ and re- 
tire I know not whither to spend my life in 
peace. Here are twenty-two years of active 
service — the last ten of court storms and mor- 



86 MEMOIRS OF 

tifications. I did hope to reconquer one half 
of the Spanish succession, but notwithstanding 
my victory at Hochstett, I am still in fear for 
your Majesty's dominions; which would have 
been lost; had I been defeated." 

Leopold promised me twenty-eight thousand 
men, punctually paid; and in want of nothing. 
I would not set off till they were gone, and 
proceeded to Roveredo. Mirandola had just 
surrendered : I entered the BressaiiO. Ven- 
due marched to attack me, but having been 
prevented by rne from occupying the height 
of Gavardo, he durst not. There it was that 
I heard of the death of the emperor ; (44) I 
had a greater love for Joseph I. who succeeded 
him; but; as the son is almost always the 
reverse of the father, I was apprehensive that 
he would abandon the Duke of Savoy, for 
whom I was indeed responsible. So far from 
it; he wrote to me to continue; and imme- 
diately sent me one hundred thousand florins 
for the payment of the troops. 

Leopold possessed good qualities, but I 
know not why some Spanish and Austrian 



PRINCE EUGENE. 87 

flatterers have tried to call him Leopold the 
Great. The attempt to be sure has not suc- 
ceeded. He detested the French to such a 
degree that he forbade a single word of -that 
language to be spoken at his court, I helped 
myself out with Italian, with which I am 
better acquainted than with German,, though 
I find no difficulty to understand and to give 
orders in that language. 

Vendome went away into Piedmont, and 
directed his brother, the grand prior, to 
starve me in my camp at Gavardo, in order 
to oblige me to quit the Bressano. I at- 
tempted to dislodge him from the villa of la 
Couline, an important post. This led to a 
combat unparalleled for courage and re- 
sources; seven grenadiers defended the pi- 
geon-house. Had Wirtemberg set fire to the 
villa immediately on his arrival there, he 
must have been successful. The grand prior 
came to its relief: not daring to risk a general 
engagement, I attempted the passage of the 
Oglio. This was absolutely necessary, for 
the Duke of Savoy had nothing but Turin 



§8 MEMOIRS OF 

left. I succeeded,, but how ? I was obliged to 
employ stratagem upon stratagem, and to avail 
myself of the indolence of the grand prior, 
whom I knew to be fond of his bed, and to 
steal a march upon him under favor of the 
night. He strove, on rising, to retrieve this 
fault with incredible diligence; and when he 
had nearly overtaken me, 1 faced about to at- 
tack him. The position which he took made 
me afraid ; and contrary to my custom I 
called a council of war, pretty certain that it 
would decide against an attack, 

I suspected also thatToralba, the Spaniard, 
Was not good for much. I drovg him out of 
Palazzuolo, threatening to shoot him if he 
threw into the Oglio the provisions of which 
I was in the greatest want. He escaped to 
Bergamo. Yisconti and Joseph of Lorraine, 
who were there wounded, came up with him, 
and instead of defending the height on which 
lie was very advantageously posted, a few 
cannoivshot induced him to surrender with 
nine hundred men. Only imagine the rage 
and astonishment of the grand prior. Palaz- 



PRINCE EUGENE. 89 

zuolo and Ponte d'Oglio having surrendered, 
I advanced to cross the Adda, the only bar- 
rier of the Milanese. . 

I went and. took Soncino ; and learning 
that the French head-quarters were at Sole- 
sino, I said to my generals : ' ( Albergotti has 
certainly joined the grand prior, and from 
this bold movement I would wager that Ven- 
dome has come back to the army/' Of this 
I was still more strongly convinced, when, 
having ordered the post of Quatorze Naviles 
to be occupied by Wetzel, Vendome himself 
came to dislodge him. His grenadiers at- 
tacked the bridge, while other troops plunged 
into the water on the right and left to take 
my detachment on both flanks, Here was a 
display of valor, intelligence, and vivacity* 
the characteristics of the French soldier. 

Vendftme wanted to fight, but I did not ; 
my object was to assist the Duke of Savoy, 
by a diversion in the Mantuano ; Vendome 
strove to prevent me. Vendome, without 
being so negligent as his brother, had a little 
of his indolence. I stole a march upon him 



X 



90 MEMOIRS OF 

during the night, and arrived in two forced 
marches on the banks of the Adda. I took 
possession of a magnificent country-house be- 
longing to the Jesuits of Bergamo, called ll 
Paradisa. I should have crossed the Adda 
quietly, but" one of my waggons with pon- 
toons broke down by the way. 

The Adda, nearly a torrent at that moment, 
was not easy to pass ; its rapidity rendered it 
difficult to join the pontoons. Vendome had 
time to come up ; but a kind of amphitheatre 
composed of my grenadiers for the protection 
of the workmen, sickened him of the design 
to interrupt them. Colmenero, the Spaniard, 
apprised me of every thing. I determined to 
go and fight the grand prior; he decamped, 
though slowly, in consequence of positive or- 
ders from his brother. I intended to cross 
the Adda by the bridge of Cassano ; Ven- 
dQmc opposed me : each strove ti) outwit the 
other. I resolved to p.ut an end to all this by 
a battle. I had been informed that Vendome 
usually took a nap in the afternoon, from 
which no person durst awake him, for fear of 
putting him into an ill humour. Linange 



PHINCE- EUGENE. §1 

msule himself master of the villa and bridge 
of Ritorto ; he vvas repulsed. I arrived there, 
recovered every thing, and penetrated the left 
of the "French: Veudome came up also with 
hi? gilded troop/ which was thinned in a mo- 
ment by our fir*. He had a horse killed un- 
der him, and received a ball through his 
boot. I received a musket-shot in the neck, 
and notv ig (h& blood, which flowed 

copiously, I remained till a second ball below 
the knee obliged me to retire to get my 
wounds dressed. The defeat of the French 
would have been certain, could I have taken 
a redoubt. I sent word to Anhalt to put an 
end to a firing which galled me in the centre 
and on the left. Ardent and brave as he was, 
he plunged with bis horse into the Ritorto, 
followed by the Prussians, who were up to 
the chin in water ; he was wounded. Wiir- 
temberg did the same on the right, and was 
killed. The arms and ammunition of both 
having got wet, they were nnable to return 
the fire of the French. They made them- 
selves masters of the castle of Cassano. Be- 
bra, Rewentlau, and Joseph of Lorraine, a 
young prince of nineteen,, fell while checking 



92 MEMOIRS OF 

the enemy, and firmly maintaining their 
ground on this side of the Ritorto, which 
they had been obliged to recross, and which 
the enemy respected as a barrier that I had 
appointed for him. He seemed to renounce 
all inclination to pass it, as I on my part gave 
up the passage of the Adda. If this can be 
called losing a battle, I acknowledge myself 
defeated. I went and took an excellent post 
at Trevigio. The self-termed conquerors 
were apparently in greater confusion than the 
vanquished, for not a creature approached 
my rear. These would-be victors lost more 
men than those whom they gave out to be con- 
quered ; they left me some standards and pri- 
soners, and had thrown a great number of car- 
riages into the canal. (45) Though Vendome 
had been joined by his brother, -who had 
slept at Rivalto, two leagues from the battle, 
and was on that account sent away from the 
army, he applied for reinforcements to La 
Feuillade, because he thought that I designed 
to attack him. I did not indeed effect a 
junction with the Duke of Savoy ; but by 
these reinforcements, which I obliged Ven- 
d6me to require of La Feuillade, I frustrated 



PRINCE EUGENE. 93 

the plan for besieging and taking Turin. 
Did I lose the battle ? I pretend not to de- 
cide the question. At any rate I find no 
fault with myself for having fought it. A 
signal success would have rendered me mas- 
ter of Italy ; and the want of success, which 
is different from a reverse, and which I may 
ascribe to my two wounds, did not prevent 
me from resorting to my old tricks all the 
rest of the campaign against Vendome, and 
quietly taking up my winter-quarters behind 
the mountains at Calcinato, Lunato, &c. 
Before I went into them, I had attempted 
some little enterprizes, all of which were* 
frustrated by VendSme. Not to be beaten 
by such a man is more glorious than to beat 
another. I set out for Vienna. 



1706. 

Marlborough arrived at Vienna. I had 
written to him that his presence would be 
necessary. I presented him to the emperor : 
how he was received may easily be imagined. 
He helped me to obtain assistance for the 



9* MEMOIRS OF 

Duke of Savoy. <e Queen Anne/' said he, 
" sent me for *his purpose. Wc will lend 
jour imperial majesty twenty-five thousand 
pounds sterling, and I hope to beat the enemy 
in the Low Countries/' He returned thither,, 
and I to Italy, I arrived at Roveredo at the 
came time as the fugitives of inv armv, the 
command of which I had given to Rewentlau, 
who had just sustained a defeat at Calcinato. 
I had but too well cured Vend&me of his in- 
dolence. Informed of my departure from 
Vienna, he had got the start of me in re- 
joining his army. He had counterfeited ill- 
ness, and taken medicines before a great 
number of persons, as if he had actually been 
sick ; but all at once throwing away his 
draughts, his robe de chambre, and his nights 
cap, he mounted his horse in the night be- 
tween the 18th and 19th of April, for this 
superb expedition. (46) I rallied the fugitives, 
and hastened to Gavardo to prevent Vcndome 
from cutting off my communication with the 
Trentino. Vend&me used astonishing dis- 
patch in all his movements; I had great di£r 
ficulty in getting away from him. Never 
had I yet so hard a task. I, nevertheless con* 



PRINCE EUGENE. 95 

trived to make myself master of several posts, 
with a view to secure the bank of the Adige. 
This was highly requisite, in order to raise 
the siege of Turin. 

Luckily thanks to the discernment of Louis 
XIV. La Feuiilade (47) was charged with 
the conduct of the siege. The city had been 
very imperfectly invested ; two posts were 
unoccupied. Yendome was watching my mo- 
tions from the other side of the Adi«*e : it 
was, notwithstanding, absolutely necessary 
for me to cross that river. Another Venetian 
commandant took it into his head to refuse 
me a passage at la Badia. I ordered the 
gate to be broken open by my grenadiers, and 
perceiving that Yendome was no longer with 
the army, having gone to Milan to resign the 
command to the Duke of Orleans, (48) I first 
returned thanks to God for it, and without 
giving myself much trouble, I deluded the 
French, who were guarding three posts,, and 
crossed the Adige, where they least expected 
me. 

Tease had lost Spain at Barcelona ; Ville- 



96 MEMOIRS OF 

roy the Low Countries at Ramillies, and La 
Feuillade was destined to lose Italv. I 
crossed the Tanaro and the Po. Vendome 
had earned with him the love, the heart, and 
the spirit of the French. I passed the Sec- 
chia and the Canal of Ledo, and again thank- 
ed God jbr having taken Vendome away from 
me. The Duke of Parma sent roe compli- 
ments, forage, and allowances for the troops, 
in his dominions. The Duke of Savoy dis- 
patched a lord belonging to his court to entreat 
me to come to him. He was unpleasantly 
situated with his little corps out of the city, 
the command of which he had left to Daun. 
To the former I wrote that all would soon 
end well ; and to the latter that, intending to 
be at Nice de la Paille on the 30th of Au- 
gust, I would soon deliver to him in Turin, 
as a reward for his fine defence, the appoint- 
ment of general of infantry, which the em- 
peror had given me for him. I caused Goito 
to be taken by the Prince of Hesse, and' 
la Stradella by Kirschbaum. I marched only 
in the night, on account of the heat, by which 
we were greatly incommoded. I crossed the 
Bormida, and having rested on the 27th 



Prince eugene. 97 

quite close to theTanaro, I entered Piedmont, 
at the place which I had mentioned to the 
commandant of Turin, two days earlier than I 
had promised him a fortnight before. I very 
quickly acquainted him with my arrival, at 
the same time ordering him to thank his brave 
garrison in my name. " That great calcula- 
tor Catinat," said I to myself, " and the active 
and rapid Vendome (when it was necessary 
for him to be so), would not have suffered me 
to do all this/' Once more I returned thanks 
to heaven, for when one is fortunate, one is 
devout. te Probably/' said I again to myself, 
ff the extensive power and shallow under- 
standing of Marsin, counteract the abilities and 
valor of the Duke of Orleans/' I went and 
joined the Duke of Savoy, below Carmagnole, 
and our soldiers, when they saw us embrace, 
threw their hats into the air, shouting : 
ff Long live Joseph I. and Victor Aniedasus!" 
and I think I heard some cries too of fe Long 
live Eugene !•" 

La Feuillade made an assault on the 30th, 
and was repulsed with great loss. The Duke 
of Orleans, more skilful than his two col* 

m 



W MEMOIRS OF 

leagues, wanted to march against me. Marsin 
told him in the council of war, that probably 
I was only anxious to throw succours into the 
city : and that with the rest I should be a 
spectator of its fall. All the generals agreed 
in opinion with the Duke of Orleans. Marsin 
produced a paper signed by the king. The 
prince flew into a passion. " Gentlemen/' 
said he, (t I find that I have a tutor. Let my 
post-chaise be got ready, I shall be gone." 
He did not however depart, because he had 
a desire to fight. I sent Visconti to intercept 
a considerable convoy. 

Turin had held out four months, and could 
resist no longer ; we marched at length to its 
relief. The Duke of Savoy and I ascended 
a height, from which we beheld uncertain 
movements in the enemy's camp. " Those 
people/' said I, " are already half beaten, 
cousin." All our artillery gave a tremendous 
discharge. Thebattle began; theDukeofSavey 
and myself ran whithersoever we thought our 
presence needful. This time he fought in 
good earnest, and with all his heart, as one 
might be sure he would, since it was pro dorm 



PRINCE EUGENE. 99 

sua The right wing; was at first repulsed, 

because it could not attack so soon as the left. 
Anhalt set all to rights again with his brave 
Prussian infantry, and I at the head of some 
squadrons. For an hour and a half some 
advantages were gained on either side; it was 
a carnage but not a battle. Our troops at 
length leaped into the entrenchments of the 
French, but threw themselves into disorder in 
the pursuit. Three pieces of cannon, well 
posted, checked the carbineers, who, but for 
this, would have roughly handled my cuiras- 
siers, and perhaps my infantry. In rallying the 
latter, whose character had been already some- 
what slurred, one of my pages and a valet de 
chambre were killed behind me, and my horse, 
wounded with a carbine-shot, threw me into 
a ditch. I was thought to be dead, and it is 
said that for a very short time this produced 
some effect on the troops. The order which 
I gave when getting again on horseback 
covered with mud, dust, and blood, to Stah- 
renberg's regiment to pour a volley upon the 
French cavalry, relieved my infantry of the 
latter, and it maintained its ground in that 
part of the lines which it had forced. Their 
, q2 



100 MEMOIRS OF 

centre stood firm. Rehbinder was thrice re- 
pulsed by the Duke of Orleans, who received 
two musket balls. It was the Duke of Savoy 
who at length forced his way in person into 
the entrenchments. 

We were now enabled to give assistance to 
the Prince of Saxc Gotha, who performed 
wonders on the right, but could not succeed 
on account of the Castle of Lucento. The 
Saxons then leaped into the entrenchments, 
forced Pont Cassine, and in every quarter the 
victory was looked upon as won, when the 
enemy rallied and attacked us in the field of 
battle, of which we had just made ourselves 
masters. Daun, though pressed by La Feuil- 
lade, made a sally at this critical moment, And 
decided the victory. I know not how things 
might have turned out, if Albergotti had not 
been silly enough to remain a spectator upon 
the heights of the Capuchins with forty 
battalions. So much is certain, that, but for 
this, the most obstinately contested battle I 
ever saw might have lasted much longer; 
though, not expecting so stupid a procedure, I 
had troops in readiness to take him in flank, if 



PRINCE EUGENE. 101 

he had attempted to come down to me. This 
was tire 7th of September. (49) 

My good fortune had decreed that Marsin, 
( 50) who fell in this engagement, should wait 
for me with his eighty thousand men behind his 
lines; if he had come out to attack me first, and 
to turn me, I should have been a good deal em- 
barrassed with my thirty thousand. I was un- 
der great obligations in this affair to two French 
officers, Bonneval (51) and Langallerie, (52) 
imprudent men, who turned out ill, but to 
whom I was then much attached for their 
bravery and intelligence. I had some in- 
fluence with the Emperor Joseph, and had 
taken them as generals into his service. 'Tis 
a pity they turned out as they did : they pre- 
tended to be free-thinkers, who are almost 
always unsteady. The affectation of irreligion, 
is, independent of its foolish impiety, a mark 
of bad taste. 

Before I gave myself up entirely to joy 
tearing lest the discomfited besiegers should 
endeavor to cover the Milanese, I took out 
my perspective glass, which I never use but 



102 MEMOIRS OF 

when I cannot approach near to reconnoitre; 
and perceiving them flying rather than re- 
treating/ towards Pignerol, I said to the Duke 
of Savoy : '* Italy is our's, cousin/* (53) 

It may easily be imagined how we were 
received in Turin, where the little gunpowder 
]eh in the city was scarcely sufficient to fire 
a general salute of artillery during the Te , 
Deum. " This time at least," said I to Daun, 
whom I cordially embraced, M I think Louis 
XIV. will not order Te Deum to be sung at 
Paris." (54) 

The day after the great battle, the Prince 
of Hesse (55) was defeated in a little affair by 
Medavi ; but this did me no harm : I con- 
tinued the pursuit. The Vaudois put the 
fugitives to the sword. We took Chivas, 
Novara, Milan, the citadel of which we 
blockaded ; Lodi, Pizzighitone, Tortona, 
Alexandria, Seravalle, and Casal. Proceeding 
thence to reconnoitre the post of Cavacurta, I 
received a very severe contusion from a mus* * 
ket-ball, on my left arm. 



PRINCE EUGENE, 10$ 



1707. 



Our generalissimo remained well pleased 
at Turin, while I went into winter-quarters : 
and both of us agreed to lay siege to Toulon, 
after we had taken the citadels of Milan and 
of Modena, and some other small posts, 
which induced Louis XIV. to make us an 
offer to evacuate Italy. We asquiesced on 
condition of his restoring something to the 
Duke of Mantua, Mirandola to its duke, and 
a good deal to the Duke of Savoy, as his 
compensation. Daun signed the convention 
on our side, and St. Pater on that of the 
French, on the 7th of March. 

I know not what induced Joseph I. to send 
me to the Rhine instead of the Prince of 
Baden. I wrote to him that it was certainly 
a trick of my enemies, that it was contrary to 
my wish, and that I was in a fair way in this 
country. I did not indeed anticipate the 
failure of our plan against Toulon : we should 



104 MEMOIRS OF 

infallibly have taken that city, had we not 
been obliged to lose time in the conquest 
of. Naples, where a conspiracy was formed in 
favor of the House of Austria. Two cursed 
cardinals, Grimani and Pignatelli, who were 
engaged in it, over-ruled the Duke of Savoy's 
opinion and mine; (56) absent persons have but 
little influence at court. Louis XIV. would 
have been more mortified by the conquest of 
Dauphine, Languedoc, and Provence. In vain 
did Tesse oppose our passage of the moun- 
tains : I passed them on the 4th of July, at 
the Col de Tende, and the Duke of Savoy, 
and the other corps elsewhere. We crossed 
the.Var, marched to Frejus, (57) and arrived 
before Toulon. 

The Duke of Savoy directed me to carry 
the heights of St. Catherine, where I posted 
the young prince of Saxe Gotha. The Duke 
of Savoy promised him a reinforcement of four 
battalions, if he should be attacked ; but they 
could not reach him in time. Never did the 
French make so sudden and so furious an 
attack. This prince, who though but twenty 
years of age, was a lieutenant-general in the 



PRINCE EUGENE. 105 

armies of the emperor, of England, and of 
Holland, handsome and accomplished in every 
way, defended himself like a lion. He had 
already lost a great number of his men : two 
hundred were yet left him; these were reduced 
to thirty or forty, to whom he said : — " My 
friends, let us at least die like men of honor.** 
He was instantly killed by two musket- balls 
Works, entrenchments, batteries, were all 
ruined and carried. Every thing was to be 
begun again. I was inconsolable for the death 
of the young prince ; but I was somewhat 
comforted for the loss of St. Catherine's by 
the taking of the forts of St. Margaret and St. 
Louis. In secret, however, I said to myself: 
Of what use will this be to us ? Tesse made 
excellent arrangements in the city, and I 
shrewdly suspected that the expedition to 
Naples, which had retarded the arrival of the 
English and Dutch fleet before Toulon, had 
frustrated our attempt. But such are cabinets, 
parliaments, states-general, and coalitions ! 
We ought, as I had proposed, to have march- 
ed straightway to Toulon, after the expulsion 
of the French from Lombardy. Nevertheless, 
but for the bravery and talents of Tesse., and the 



106 MEMOIRS OF 

unfortunate affair in which my beloved Prince 
of Gotha fell., we should have been successful. 

I left to the Duke of Savoy the honor of 
proposing to raise the siege., and took good care 
not to oppose him. I fully expected, as it turned 
out, that the English would accuse him of a 
secret understanding with the French. They 
were angry at having been put to so much useless 
expence ; they ought to be forgiven. I wrote 
to Marlborough that they were wrong, and 
that this time the Duke of Savoy had by 
accident behaved most honorably towards us ; 
but his conduct had not been exactly such 
towards the inhabitants of Provence, whom he 
had severely fleeced : ( 58 ) he moreover caused 
their olive-trees to be cut down and pulled up 
by the roots, and took away plants and seeds to 
carry them to his own country. Detested as 
he was, he was often annoyed on his retreat : 
mine was executed with less interruption. 
On the 25th of July, my army arrived at 
Frejus ; I prevented Medavi, who attempted 
to obstruct my march in the defiles and the 
passage of the V-ar, which I accomplished 
without molestation, 



PRINCE EUGENE. Iu7 

Vexed at having made a campaign without 
any success, I went and took Suza, the only 
place left to the French on this side of the 
mountains. I repaired to Turin to provide 
winter-quarters; to Milan to fix the contri- 
butions of the Italian princes ; and to Vienna 
to settle the plan of operations of the ensuing 
campaign. 

One ought not to appear dissatisfied at 
court : I hate grumblers, even though they 
have reason to grumble. From the closet ill- 
natured sarcasms find their way to the parlor, 
from the parlor to the dining-room, and 
thence, in consequence of the imprudent 
^practice of speaking before servants, to the 
public-houses ; all this afterwards produces 
upon the common people an impression that is 
liable to become dangerous. Being sure that 
Joseph I. would be embarrassed on seeing 
me, because he had not believed me, I 
observed, as I ought, a respectful, but likewise 
easy behaviour towards him, He was gratified 
by it, and scolded me for having exposed 
myself too much. It is easy to imagine what 
answer I made to this kind reproach. ce You 



108 MEMOIRS OF 

have expelled the French/' said he, <{ from 
Bavaria and Italy ; go ant! drive them from 
the Low Countries. Rest yourself, and setoff 
on the 26th of March for various courts, and 
set the coalition to work according to your 
wishes and mine." 



1708. 

On the 31st of March I was already at Dres- 
den, and obtained a promise of King Augustus 
to send me a body of his troops. I then went to 
Hanover, and received the same promise from 
the elector. I proceeded to the Hague, where 
I cordially embraced Marlborough, who had 
come thither on the same business. We both 
pressed Heinsius and Fagel for assistance; 
assuring them, that to prevent the enemy 
from laying siege to the strong places, we 
would gain a battle as speedily as possible. 
I appeased, as well as I could, those gentle- 
men, who were dissatisfied, because the 
emperor had not made peace with the Hun- 
garian rebels, nor appropriated to his own use 
the revenues of Naples, the Milanese, and 



PRINCE EUGENE. 109 

Bavaria. I went next to Dusseldorf, to pacify 
the Elector Palatine,, who was likewise angry 
with the Emperor Joseph I. respecting the 
Upper Palatinate. I returned to Hanover 
•with Marlborough, to press the elector ; went 
to Leipsic to urge King Augustus, whom I 
found there, once more ; and after proceeding 
to Vienna to give an account of my successful 
negociations, I was immediately sent off again 
to Frankfurt, to confer with the electors of 
Mentz and Hanover, and Rechteren, the 
Dutch minister. I circulated a report that 
this journey was undertaken for the sake of 
rrty health, and that the physicians had ordered 
me to use the waters of Schlangenbad. I said 
to all these petty allies, "It is your interest ; 
a great emperor would live at your expence, 
if you did not exist, and would perhaps be 
better off on that account. If you do not 
protect yourselves by defending him, beware 
lest another Louvois lay waste the empire 
with fire and sword. u (59) 

I have always taken for the foundation of 
my politics the interests of the persons with 
whom I had to do, and have detested court- 



11® MEMOIRS OF 

flatterers, who say, " These princes are per- 
sonally attached to your majesty," It is thus 
that they strengthen the self-love of sove- 
reigns, who, besides, like to be told " every 
thing is going on well, in the best manner, or 
is likely to be retrieved. " 

Villars was not duped by the prescriptions 
ef the faculty for the cure of diseases with 
which I was not afflicted. He wrote to a 
prisoner whom he sent back to me: " If you 
belong to the army which Prince Eugene is 
going to command, assure him of my respect. 
I understand that he is going to the baths on 
the 20th of June : but if I recollect right, he 
was not formerly so attentive to his health. 
We shall soon see what sort of baths he means 
to use." I assembled my army of Austrians 
and German allies at Coblentz, where I had a 
long conference with the Elector of Treves. 
The French had one hundred thousand men 
in the Low Countries ; Marlborough had but 
sixty thousand. I received orders to march 
to his support: I directed my troops to pro- 
ceed by forced marches, while I went post 
royself, fearful lest a battle should be fought 



PRINCE EUGENE. HI 

without me. Cadogan came to Maestricht 
to compliment me. He told me that the 
French had surprised Ghent, Bruges, and 
Plaskendall, and that my presence was want- 
ed. I passed through Brussels, where my 
interview with my mother, after a separation 
of twenty-five years, was very tender, but 
very short. I found Marlborough encamped 
at Asch, between Brussels and Alost; and 
learning that the enemy had their left on the 
other side of the ©endre, I asked Marlborough 
on my arrival if it was not his intention to 
give battle. " I think I ought/' replied he 
immediately ; ' ' and I find with pleasure, but 
without astonishment, that we have both made 
the reflection, that without this our commu- 
nication with Brussels would be cut off: but 
I should like to have waited for your troops." 
" I would not advise you to wait," replied 
I, ee for the French would have time to 
retreat." 

Vendome wanted to dispute the passage of 
the Dendre. He told the Duke of Burgundy, 
whom bad advisers persuaded to march to 
Ghent: <c When you perceive in Prince 



112 MEMOIRS OF 

Eugene a desire to avoid an engagement, lie 
knows how to force you to one.** This ex- 
pression I saw in the vindication of his con- 
duct, which he printed on his return to Paris. 

Cadogan went to Oudenarde, and in a few 
hours threw a bridge across the Scheldt. " It 
is still time/' said Vendome to the Duke of 
Burgundy, lf to discontinue your march, and 
to attack, with the troops which we have here, 
that part of the^llied army which has passed 
the river." The duke hesitated, stopped on the 
height of Gaveren, lost time, wouldhave turned 
back, sent twenty squadrons to dispute the pas- 
sage, recalled them, and said, " Let us march 
to Ghent." cf It is too late," said Vendome, 
" you cannot now : in half an hour, perhaps, 
you will have the enemy upon you." " Why 
then did you stop me?" rejoined the Duke 
of Burgundy. " To begin the attack im- 
mediately," replied he. " Cadogan yonder is 
already master of the village of Hume ard of 
six battalions. Let us draw up at least in the 
best manner we can." Rantzau commenced 
the attack. He overthrew a column of 
cavalry, and would have been routed in his 



PRINCE EUGENE. H3 

turn, but for the electoral Prince of Hanover, 
who in the conflict had his horse killed under 
him. Grimaldi too early and injudiciously 
ordered a charge. " What are you doing ? " 
cried Vendome, coming up at full gallop* 
"you are wrong/' — ff It is by the Duke of 
Burguudy's orders/' replied he. The latter, 
vexed at being contradicted, thought only 
how to cross the other. Venddme was giving 
orders to charge the left. "What are you 
doing?" said the Duke of Burgundy: "I 
forbid it ; there is an impassable ravine and 
morass/' Let any one jadgeof the indigna- 
tion of Vendome, who had passed over the 
spot but a moment before. But for this mis- 
understanding, we should perhaps have been 
defeated ; for our cavalry was engaged a full 
half hour before the infantry could join it. 
For the same reason, I directed the village of 
Hurne to be abandoned, that I might send the 
battalions by which it was occupied to sup- 
port the squadrons on the left wing. But the 
Duke of Argyle arrived with all possible ex- 
pedition, at the head of the English infantry, 
and then came the Dutch, though much more 
slowly. "Now," said I to Marlborough 

H 



11* MEMOIRS OF 

'* we are in a condition to- fight." It was si* 
in the evening of the 11th of July: we had 
yet three hours of day-light. I was on the 
right, at the head of the Prussians. Some 
battalions turned their backs, on being at- 
tacked with unequalled fury. They rallied, 
retrieved their fault, and we recovered the 
ground they had lost. The battle then became 
general along the whole line. The spectacle 
was magnificent. , It was one sheet of fire. 
Our artillery made a powerful impression; 
that of the French being injudiciously posted, 
in consequence of the uncertainty which pre- 
vailed in the army, on account of the disunion 
of its commanders, produced very little effect. 
With us it was quite the contrary; we loved 
and esteemed one another. Even the Dutch 
Marshal Ouverkerke, venerable for his age 
and services, my old friend and Marlbo- 
rough's, obeyed us, and fought to admira- 
tion. 

The following circumstance may serve to 
prove our harmony. Matters were going ill 
on the right, where I commanded. Marlbo- 
rough, who perceived it 3 sent me a rein- 



PRINCE EUGENE. 115 

forcemeat of eighteen battalions, without which 
I should scarcely have been able to keep my 
ground. I then advanced, and drove in the 
first line; but at the head of the second I 
found Vendome on foot; with a pike in his 
hand, encouraging the troops. He made so 
vigorous a resistance, that I should not have 
succeeded but for Natzmer, at the head of 
the King of Prussia's gendarmes^ who broke 
through the line, and enabled me to obtain a 
complete victory. 

Marlborough purchased his more dearly 
on the left* where he attacked in front, while 
Ouverkerke dislodged the enemy from the 
hedges and villages, Nassau, Fries, and Ox- 
enstiern, drove the infantry beyond the defileg, 
but they w r ere roughly handled by the king's 
household troops, who came to its assistance. 
I rendered the same service to the duke. I 
sent Tilly, who, making a considerable circuit, 
took the brave household troops, which had 
nearly snatched the victory from us, in the 
rear : but this decided the business. The 
darkness of the night prevented our pursuit, 
and enabled me to execute a scheme for 
u2 



t IB MEMOIRS OF 

increasing the number of our prisoners I 
sent out drummers in different directions, with 
orders to beat the retreat after the French 
manner, and posted my French refugee officers, 
with directions to shout on all sides: — Here 
Picarchjl Here Champagne ! Here Piedmont! 
The French soldiers flocked in, and I made a 
good harvest of them: we took in all about seven 
thousand. The Duke of Burgundy, and his evil 
counsellors, had long before withdrawn. Ven- 
dome collected the relics of the army ^and took 
charge of the rear. (60) 

As it was so dark that we had begun 
to fire upon each other, Marlborough waited 
for day-light, to attack the enemy before 
he reached Ghent. His detachment found 
liim but too soon. Vendome had posted his 
grenadiers to the right and left of the high- 
road, and they put our cavalry, which pur- 
sued them, to the rout. Vendome by^this 
saved the remnant of his army, which en- 
tered Ghent in the utmost confusion, with 
the Dukes of Burgundy and Berry, and the 
Count of Toulouse. His presence stopped, 
pacified, and cheered the soldiers. 



PRINCE EUGENE, 117 

They all held a council of war at the inn 
called the Golden Jpple. The opinion of the 
princes and their courtiers was, as usual, de- 
testable. Vendome grew warm, expressed 
his indignation at having been crossed by 
them, and declared that, determined not 
to be served in the same manner again, 
he should order the army to encamp behind 
the canal of Bruges at Lovendeghem, I pitied 
him from the bottom of my heart, as I had 
done the Elector of Bavaria, in 1704, and the 
Duke of Orleans, in 1706. 

As I was sure that Marlborough could 
make no arrangements but what were excel- 
lent, I went the day after the battle to see my 
mother at Brussels. What tears of affection 
did she shed on beholding me again with some 
addition of glory ! I told her, however, that 
Marlborough's portion seemed greater than 
mine, as at Hochstett. The joy of revenge 
mingled a little in that occasioned by our vic- 
tory. She was glad to see the king humbled, 
who had left her for another woman in his 
youth, and exiled her in his old age ft is re- 
markable that in lier's sh« married the Duke 



118 MEMOIRS OF 

D'Ursel, without assuming his name. No- 
body knew this : it could not have been a 
match of conscience or convenience, but pro- 
bably of ennui and idleness. We could not 
help being rather merry on the subject of his 
former devices and his Place des Victoires. 

The fifteen days which I thus passed with 
her were the most agreeable of my life. I 
parted from her with the more pain, as it was 
probable that we should not see each other 
again. On the last day of my visit the troops 
from the Moselle arrived. We were then as 
strong as the French. I sent eight battalions 
to reinforce Marlborough's corps, which eo- 
Tered Flanders. I left the rest to cover Brus- 
sels, and rejoined him at the camp of Elchin- 
He, Ouverkerke, and myself agreed, upon 
sending a strong detachment to lay waste Ar- 
tois and Picardy, and thus compel Vendome 
to leave his camp. Vendome, who guessed 
our intention, remained immoveable. I pro- 
posed the siege of Lisle: the deputies of the 
states-general thought fit to be of a different 
opinion : Marlborough was with me, and they 
were obliged to hold their tongues. The siege 



PRINCE EUGENE. J 19 

was committed to me, while Marlborough was 
to cover it against the army of the Duke of Bur- 
guudy. The latter, with sixty thousand men, 
encamped near Pont des Pienes; and I, with 
forty thousand, after investing the city, took up 
my head-quarters at the Abbey of Loos, on the 
J 3th of August. The brave and skilful Bouf- 
flers,(61)with a garrison of sixteen battalions, 
and four regiments of dragoons, cut out plenty 
of work for me. The job, so far from being 
easy, was a dangerous one; for Mons was not 
in our possession. My first attack on Fort Ca- 
telen was repulsed ; the works undertaken the 
same day, to drain a large pond which was in 
my way, also failed. I ordered epaulements 
to be made, for the fire of the place annoyed 
us to such a degree, that a cannon-ball carried 
off the head of the valet of the Prince of 
Orange, at the moment when he was putting 
on his master's shirt. It may easily be sup- 
posed that he was obliged to take another, and 
to shift his quarters. I opened the trenches, 
and on the §3rd the besieged made a sortie, 
when Lieutenant-general Betendorff, who com- 
manded there, was taken prisoner. Boufflers 
treated him exceedingly well. The festival of 
St. Louis, which he celebrated with three ge- 



120 MEMOIRS OF 

neral discharges of all his artillery, cost us 
some men. In the night, between the 26th 
and 27th, the besieged made a terrible sortie ; 
I gained the post of the mill of St. Andrew ; 
Bouflrlers retook it ; and I there lost six hun- 
dred men. 

Marlborough sent me word that Berwick, 
(62) having reinforced the Dukeof Burgundy, 
the army, now one hundred and twenty thou- 
sand strong, was marching to the relief of 
Lisle. The deputies of the states-general, 
always interfering in every thing, and always 
dying of fear, asked me for a reinforce- 
ment for him. I went to his camp to offer 
him one : he said, " Let us go together, 
and reconnoitre the ground between the 
Deule and the Marck." After we had exa- 
mined it, he said, " I have no occasion for 
one, I shall only move my camp nearer to 
your's." Vcndome proposed not to lose a day, 
but instantly to attack the army of observa- 
tion, and the besieging force. " I cannot/' said 
the Duke of Burgundy ; <e I have sent a cou- 
rier to my grandfather to enquire his plea- 
sure." Conferences were held at Versailles, 
a nd the king sent his booby Chamillard (63) 



PRINCE EUGENE. 121 

to his grandson's camp ; he went up with him 
into the steeple of the village of Sedin, to view 
our two armies,, and decided against giving 
us battle. 

I cannot imagine how Vendome could help 
running mad ; another,, with less zeal, would 
have sent every thing to the devil ; and he, a 
better grandson of a King of France than the 
other, took the trouble, the day before, to go 
so close to Marlborough's position to recon- 
noitre, that he was grazed by a cannon-balL 
I had returned to Marlborough's camp to be 
his volunteer, if he had been attacked. 

But, while I think of it, a Chamillard, that 
is, in one word, a young prince of no character, 
and an old king who had lost his^ were quite 
sufficient to fill Vendome's heart with rage. 
He was obliged by them to retreat, as if he had 
been beaten. I continued the siege, sure of 
not being interrupted, and took the redoubt of 
the gate of Flanders, and some others; but 
after three hours' fighting for one of the most 
important, I was repulsed and pursued to 
my trenches. I scarcely stirred from them, 



222 MEMOIRS OF 

having the King of Poland and all my young 
princes at my side,, for it was necessary to set 
an example, and to give orders. I directed 
two assaults to be made, to facilitate the tak- 
ing of the covered way; still repulsed, but 
a horrible carnage. Five thousand English, 
sent me by Marlborough to retrieve my losses, 
performed wonders, but were thrown into dis- 
order. We heard the cry of Vive le Roi et 
Boufflers ! I said a few wqrds in English to 
those brave fellows who rallied round me; I 
led them back into the fire; but a ball below 
the left eye knocked me down senseless. Every 
body thought me dead, and so did I too. They 
found a dung-cart, in which I was conveyed 
to my quarters; first my life, and then my 
sight was despaired of. I recovered both. 
The ball had struck me obliquely. Here was 
another unsuccessful attack; out of five thou- 
sand men, not fifteen hundred returned ; and 
twelve hundred workmen were there killed. 

Being prevented for some time by my wound 
from interfering in any thing, I left the com- 
mand of the siege to Marlborough, who deli- 
vered his to Ouverkerke. He effected a lodg- 



PRINCE EVGENE. 123 

ment in a tenaillon on the left, but a mine 
baffled the assault and the assailants. Marl- 
borough countermined some, and took all 
possible pains to spare me trouble on my 
return. He obliged me to dine in public, in 
order to cheer my army, and returned to his 
own. 

The Chevalier de Luxemburg eluded me, 
and introduced ammunition, of which the 
besieged were in great want; (64) and a captain, 
named Dubois, eluded me, and swam with a 
note frorn Boufflers to the Duke of Burgundy, 
informing him, that though the trenches had 
been open forty days, I was not yet completely 
master of any of the works. " Nevertheless, 
Monseigneur," added he, <c I cannot hold out 
beyond the 15th or 20th of October." 

1 was in want of powder. A single letter 
from Marlborough to his friend Queen Anne 
occasioned a quantity to be sent me, with 
fourteen battalions, by the fleet of Vice-admi- 
ral Byng, who landed them at Ostend. Everv 
body is acquainted with the stupidity of La- 
motte, ( 65 ) w r honot only suffered this convoy to 



*24 MEMOIRS OF 

reach me, but got a sound drubbing for his 
whole corps that was intended to prevent it. 
Being completely recovered from my wound, 
I was night and day at the works, which 
Boufflers, also present every where, was in- 
cessantly interrupting or annoying. 

I bethought me of a stratagem to give fre- 
quent alarms for several nights at a half- 
moon, with a view to attack it afterwards in 
open day, being persuaded that the wearied 
soldiers would take that time for repose. This 
scheme succeeded. I ordered an assault upon 
a salient angle, and that succeeded . I directed 
the covered way to be attacked, and was again 
successful. I thence made a breach in the 
curtain, and enlarged another in a bastion ; 
and when I was at length working at the de- 
scent of the ditch, the marshal, who had every 
day invented some new artifice; sometimes 
tin boxes, at others, eartheapots, filled with 
grenades, and done all that science could sug- 
gest, offered to capitulate on the 22nd of Sep- 
tember, without mentioning any conditions. 
I promised to sign such as he should propose 
to me. " Thi?, M. lc Marechal/' so I wrote 



PRINCE EUGENE. 125 

to him, cf is to show you my perfect regard for 
jour person, and I am sure that a brave man 
like you will not abuse it. I congratulate you 
on your excellent defence/' 

My council of war, which I summoned 
out of politeness, objected to the article that 
the citadel should not be attacked on the side 
next the town. I yielded, having my plan in 
my head, and wrote to Boufflers : " Certain 
reasons, M. Le Marechal, prevent me from 
signing this article, but I give you my word 
of honor to observe it. I hope in six weeks 
to give you fresh proofs of my admiration." 
Boufflers retired into the citadel, and I en- 
tered the town with Marlborough, the King 
of Poland, the Landgrave of Hesse, &c. In 
the morning we went to church, and at night 
to the play ; and all the business of the capitu- 
lation being finished on the 29th of October, 
I the same day ordered the trenches to be 
opened before the citadel. 

Before I proceed to this siege, I ought to 
relate a circumstance which happened to me 
during that of the city. A clerk of the post- 



126 MEMOIRS Of 

office wrote to the secretary of general Dopf, 
desiring him to deliver to me two letters, one 
from the Hague, and the other I know not 
whence. I opened the latter, and found no- 
thing but a greasy paper. Persuaded, as I 
still am, that it was a mistake, or something 
of no consequence, which I might perhaps 
have been able to read had I taken the trouble 
to hold the paper to the lire, I threw it away. 
Somebody picked it up, and it was said that 
a dog about whose Deck it was tied died 
poisoned in the spacy of twenty- four hours. 
What makes me think this untrue, is, that 
at Versailles they were too generous, and at 
Vienna too religious, for such a trick. 

The ninth day the besieged made a vigorous 
sortie. The Prince of Brunswick, who re- 
pulsed it, received a wound from a musket-ball 
in the head. The eleventh, a still more vigor* 
ous sortie of the Chevalier de Luxembourg, 
who drove my troops from the branches of 
the trenches, and made us fall. back to St. 
Catherine's. Ah excellent officer of my staff 
had his head shot off by a cannon-ball by my 
side. The enemy lost a great number of men 



PRINCE EUGENE. 127 

before be returned to the citadel. I caused 
every thing to be repaired. 

I was now suddenly obliged to abandon 
the siege., leaving the direction of it to "Prince 
Alexander of Wiirtemberg. The Elector of 
Bavaria was engaged in that of Brussels, 
Marlborough and I made him raise it after a 
pretty battle, and some excellent, well-com- 
bined manoeuvres, of which he had all the 
honor, for I could not pas9 the Scheldt wliere 
I wanted. The Elector of Bavaria was some- 
what ashamed. The French princes would 
have been so too, had not their joy on return- 
ing to Versailles prevented them. 

I went back to the siege; but what a 
change ! The marshal had taken advantage of 
my absence to drive the besiegers from the 
first covered way, of which I had left them in 
possession. After regaining it, as well as 
the other posts that had been abandoned, I 
wrote as follows to the brave BoufHers : f{ The 
French army, M. le Marechal, has retired 
toward Tburnay, the Elector of Bavaria to 
Namur, and the princes to their courts. Spars 



128 MEMOIRS OF 

yourself and your brave garrison ; I will again 
sign whatever you please." His answer was : 
<s There is yet no occasion to be in a hurry. 
Permit me to defend myself as long as I can. 
I have still enough left to do to render myself 
more worthy of the esteem of the man whom 
I respect above all others/' I gave orders 
for the assault of the second covered way. 
The King of France apparently anticipated 
this, for he wrote to the marshal to surrender. 
Notwithstanding his repugnance to such a 
step, lie was on the point of obeying, when, 
in a note which the Duke of Burgundy had 
subjoined to the king's letter, he read : " I 
know from a certain quarter that they want 
to make you a prisoner of war." I know not 
where he picked up this information; but that 
prince, respectable as he was in peace, could 
neither say nor do any but foolish things in 
war. This note however produced some im- 
pression for a moment. Generals, soldiers, 
and all, swore rather to perish in the breach. 
Bou filers wept for joy, as I have been tqlcj ; 
and when on the point of embracing this 
alternative, he recollected my note, which ^ot 
the better of the Duke of Burgundy's ; and 



PRINCE EUGENE. 129 

after the trenches had been opened four months 
before the city and citadel, he sent me on the 
Sth of December all the articles that he wish- 
ed me to sign, which I did without any re- 
striction. I went very soon with the Prince 
of Orange to pa v him a visit, and in truth to do 
homage to his merit. [66) I cordially embraced 
him, and accepted an invitation to supper; 
4f On condition/' said I, " that it be that of 
a famished citadel, to see what you may eat 
without an express order from the king." 
Roasted horse-flesh was set before us; the 
epicures in my suite were far from relishing 
the joke, but were quickly consoled by the 
arrival of provisions from the city, on which 
we made an excellent repast. 

The following day I gave him as good 
a dinner as I could, at my abbey, where he 
paid me a visit. We were very merry and 
communicative. We talked of war, politics, 
and Louis XIV. Respecting the last, I was 
on my guard ; I spoke only of his great qua- 
lities, and requested the marshal to lay me 
at his feet. On this subject I was highly 
amused with the flatteries of the states-gene- 



130 MEMOIRS OF 

ral, who thinking themselves very cunning, 
were in hopes by these means to dispose him 
to peace, of which they were ardently de- 
sirous. I durst not be alone a moment with 
the marshal, lest idle stories should be circu- 
lated respecting us ; and one or the other 
might appear suspicious to our courts, where 
one is always sure to have good friends, who 
are never asleep. After manifesting my con- 
sideration for the illustrious vanquished, when- 
ever we were together, at the play, and when 
we went abroad in the streets, where I ob- 
served that he was universally adored, I caused 
him and his brave garrison to be conducted to 
Douay, with a large escort and all possible 
honors. 

In one of our conversations I said to him ; 
ct If you could have been both within the 
place and without at the same time, M. le 
Marechal, and if no, other princes of France 
had been there but M. de Vendome, to whom 
I gi\c that title out of love to Henry IV. I 
should never have taken Lisle." 

" Do you believe in good luck in war?" 



PRINCE EUGENE. 131 

said he ; " I see nothing in you but good ma- 
nagement. " — <c If I have occasionally shewn 
some/' replied I, " it is because I have been 
fortunate enough to be opposed by bad gene- 
rals ; and that is good luck." — (( In my opi- 
nion, said the marshal, Cf bad luck consists 
only in the want of opportunity to distinguish 
one's self: but a beaten general is always in 
the wrong, without some extraordinary acci 
dent, such as an order misunderstood, or the 
death of the messenger; he may then have 
some excuse, but there is none for the general 
who is surprised and defeated. The ignorant 
alone make war a game of chance, and they 
are caught at last. Charles XII. is not one 
of these; but I see by the news which I have 
this morning received, that while we are speak- 
ing, he is playing very deep." (67 ) 

After retaking Ghent and Bruges, Marlbo- 
rough and I put our troops in winter-quarters, 
and went for a month to Brussels; but mv 
mother was no longer there. 



i2 



f32 MEMOIRS OF 



1700. 

January the 9th, we set out for the Hague. 
It was nothing but a series of honors and 
festivities ; presents for Marlborough, and 
fire-works for me. But I prevented a mag- 
nificent exhibition, by requesting the states- 
general to give the money it was to have cost 
to their brave soldiers, whom I had caused to 
be crippled: and the 20th of January I set 
©IF for Vienna, to report and ask for farther 
orders. 

I was directed to make peace, if the enemy 
would comply with all my demands. I re- 
turned on the 8th of April to the Hague, 
where I found the plenipotentiaries of the 
King of France. Famine, a winter more se- 
vere than had ever been known, want of men 
and money, made him wish for peace; but the 
vaaquished forget that they are such, as soon 
as they enter into negociation. They mistake 
obstinacy for firmness, and at last get more 
soundly beaten than before, 



PRINCE EUGENE. 133 

One hundred thousand men were again un- 
der Marlborough's command and mine in the 
Low Countries ; and the same number under 
Villars. if I am going," said he to the king 
on taking leave, <( to drive your enemies so far, 
that they shall not again see the banks of the 
Scheldt; and by a battle on my arrival, to re. 
gain all that has been taken from your majesty." 

Without wishing to avoid one, for he was 
morally and physically brave, he took an ex- 
tremely advantageous position : this was one of 
his great talents; he wanted very little to be 
a perfect general. With reinforcements, 
which poured in to us on all sides, we were 
stronger than he, but there was no possibility 
of attacking him where he was. To oblige 
him to quit his position, we resolved to besiege 
Tournay. The trenches were opened on the 
7th of July, the white flag was hoisted on 
the 28th, and on the 21st of August, after 
the most terrible subterraneous war that I ever 
witnessed (for in twenty-six days, the be- 
sieged sprung thirty-eight mines), the citadel 
surrendered. Villars never stirred. "Let us 
go and take Mens," said I to Marlborough ; 



134 MEMOIRS OF 

"perhaps this devil of a fellow will tire of 
being so prudent." Madame de Maintenon 
did not give him credit for so much prudence 
as he possessed, though she was very fond of 
him ; for she permitted Louis XIV. to send 
Marshal BoufBers to assist him. Certain ene- 
mies of Villars, at Versailles,, hoped to disgust 
"him; but I have already proved, that brave 
men agree, and love and esteem each other. 
The two marshals would gladly have saved 
Mons without risking a battle ; we stood upon 
ceremony to know which party should oblige 
the other to give it. As soon as our troops from 
Tournay had arrived : " Let us lose no time/' 
said I; "and in spite of one hundred and twenty 
thousand men, woods, hedges, villages, holes, 
triple entrenchments, a hundred pieces of can- 
non and abattis, let us put an end to the war 
in one day." 

The deputies of Holland, and some faint- 
hearted generals, objected, remonstrated, and 
annoyed nie. It was of no use to tell them 
that the excellent veteran French soldiers were 
killed iu the six or seven battles which Marl- 
borough and I had gained ; aud though I well 



PRINCE EUGENE. 135 

knew that young ones are formed but too ex- 
peditiously, an advantage in which they are 
superior to all other nations, we determined 
upon the battle of Malplaquet. {68) The'llth 
of September a thick fog concealed our dispo- 
sitions from the marshals; we dispelled it at 
eight in the morning, by a general discharge 
of all our artillery. This military music was 
succeeded by that of hautboys, drums, fifes, 
and trumpets, with which I treated both ar- 
mies. We then saw Villars proceedingthrough 
all the ranks. As the French can never hear 
enough of their king; "My friends, said 
he to them, as I have been told, " N the king 
commands me to fight : are you not very glad 
of it ? " He was answered with shouts of— 
Long live the king and M. de Villars ! I at- 
tacked the wood of Sars without shouting. I 
rallied the English guards, who, at the be- 
ginning, were scattered; some from too much 
courage, and others from a contrary reason : 
my German battalions supported them. We 
had nevertheless been overwhelmed, but for 
the Dukeof Argyle, who boldly c.i the 

parapet of the entrenchment, made a naster 
of the wood. All this procured me a ball 



156 MEMOIRS OF 

behind the ear ; and on account of the quan- 
tity of blood which I lost, all those about me 
advised me to have the wound dressed. " If 
I am beaten/* I replied, "it will not be worth 
while; and if the French are, I shall have 
plenty of time for that." What could I have 
done better than to seek death, after all the 
responsibility which I had again taken upon 
myself on this occasion ? I beg pardon for this 
digression and personality ; but one cannot 
help being a man. To endeavour to repair 
faults committed, is, I acknowledge, more 
noble ; but to survive one's glory is dreadful. 
My business on the right going on well, I 
wished to decide that of the duke on the left, 
which proceeded but slowly. In vain the 
Prince of Orange had planted a standard on 
the third entrenchment; almost the whole 
Dutch corps was extended on the ground, 
killed or wounded. For six hours Marlbo- 
rough was engaged with the centre and the 
left, without any decisive advantage. My 
cavalry, which I sent to his, succour, was 
overthrown on the way by the king's house- 
hold troops, as they were in their turn by a 
batterv which took them in flank. At length 



PRINCE EUGENE. 137 

Marlborough had gained ground without 
me ; so that it was easy for me to turn the 
centre of the enemy's army, which had been 
left unsupported in consequence of the defeat 
of the wings. Bouffliers rendered the same 
service to Villars as I did to Marlborough, 
and when he beheld him fall from his horse, 
dangerously wounded below the knee, (69) and 
the victory snatched from them, he thought 
of nothing but how to make the finest retreat 
in the best possible order. I think it is not 
too much to estimate the loss of both armies 
at forty thousand men : those who were not 
killed died of fatigue. I gave some rest to 
the remains of my troops, buried all I could, 
and then marched to Mons. 

There were but five thousand men in that 
place. I opened the trenches on the 25th of 
September, and on the 22d of October, being 
on the point of assaulting the horn-work of 
Bertamont, Grimaldi capitulated. Our troops 
went into winter-quarters ; and I, being obliged 
to post about without intermission, proceeded 
with Marlborough to the Hague, to coax the 
states-general, who were ready to abandon our 



133 MEMOIRS OF 

cause. I advised them to say at the conference 
of Gertruidenberg, that they would not hear 
of peace unless it were general. 'Tis a good 
way to protract a war; for out of four or five 
powers, you may wager that there is one 
whose interest it is not to make peace, I was 
sure of Queen Anne, because I was sure of 
Marlborough; he seconded me admirably. I 
went to report to the emperor. I submitted 
to him a sketch of the state of Europe, of 
which I could see that his cabinet had not the 
least idea. I stated the inclination which I 
observed in several powers to forsake us. At 
a distance from danger, people are courageous. 
I was told that I should make a glorious cam- 
paign. I replied that I had lost more men 
than could be given me ; but yet I would try 
what I could do. 

I collected three hundred thousand florins 
for my army, which had for a long time been 
unpaid, and as many recruits as I could to 
reinforce Heister against the Hungarian re- 
bels, whom they had neither the abilities to 
beat, nor the good sense to pacify. I soon 
returned to the Lo\y Countries, by way of 
Berlin, whgre I alighted the 1st of April, 



PRINCE EUGENE. * 139 

1710, 

at the Louse of my good friend, the Prince of 
Anhalt Dessau. It was necessary to prevent 
tjie King of Prussia, who imagined that the 
Swedish monarch would cut out work for 
him, from withdrawing his troops from Italy, 
where the Duke of Savoy, meditating an in" 
vasion of Dauphine, stood in need of them. 

Frederic William promised me that ther 
should remain. I demonstrated to him that 
since the battle of Pultawa there was no 
Charles XII. and that he was the prisoner of 
his friends the Turks. 

I was sorry for it ; for he never could have 
been a Gustavus Adolphus, who made the 
empire tremble; but I wished the aggrandize- 
ment of Russia to be prevented, and looked 
upon Sweden as a counterpoise for maintaining 
the equilibrium of Europe. The King of 
Prussia gave me a fine sword, and a snuff-box 
worth twenty-four thousand florins, which 
was a great deal for a prince both poor and 
avaricious. I proceeded on the 15th of April 



140 MEMOIRS OF 

to join Marlborough at the Hague • and on 
arriving in Flanders, we found the Fre 
lines, from Maubeuge to Ypres, carried by 
Cumberland. We went to laj siege to Douai. 

My equipages, coming from Holland by 
water, were taken by a French partizan near 
Antwerp : plate, boxes, and the presents 
which I had just received. Louis XIV. pro- 
bably from the impression made upon him by 
the respectful message which I had sent by 
the Marshal de Boufflers, ordered the whole 
to be restored to me. I gave five hundred 
ducats and a gold-hilted sword to the par- 
tizan. I caused the trenches to be opened in 
the night between the 5th and 6th of May. 
Albergotti made a vigorous sally on the 8th, 
which gave me a good deal of trouble. No 
governor ever made so many sorties : he some- 
times made four in a day. 

Villars, having recovered from his wound, 
arrived from Paris to oblige us to raise the 
siege. We took a good position, and though 
it was not so strong as that which he had oc- 
cupied at Malplaquet, the preceding year, 
yet he respected it. The many battles and 



PRINCE EUGENE. 141 

towns lost by the French since the commence- 
ment of the century, had rendered them cau- 
tious, and Villars too; (70) that is saying a 
great deal. On the 24th of June, Douai 
surrendered. 

It came to my turn to be cautious likewise. 
I designed to take Arras, and then there would 
have been nothing to prevent my marching 
to Paris ; but Villars frustrated my plan, by 
taking an excellent position, where I durst 
not attack him. I consoled myself by the 
reduction of Bethune, which was the busi- 
ness of eight days. On the 14th of August 
we gained a tolerable advantage. Villars, 
alway courageous in his own person, when 
he could not be so with his army, gave Brog- 
lio five hundred horse to cut off a large fo- 
raging party, and marched himself at the 
head of fifty squadrons to support him. Brog- 
lio, eager for the attack, fell into an ambus- 
cade, and Villars returned extremely mor- 
tified. 

Malborough had a strong desire to attack 
him. I said to him; " I will wager that it 



142 MEMOIRS OF 

is not to be done: but let us reconnoitre him." 
— " Well then/' said he, finding this ta be 
the case, "let us go on taking towns." On 
the 16th we opened the trenches before St. 
Venant, and on the 28th it capitulated. 

The siege of Aix did not proceed so ra- 
pidly ; it was not till the beginning of No- 
vember, that, after great efforts of valor on 
both sides, the besiegers carried the covered 
way. The brave Goebriant nevertheless de- 
fended himself till the 8th. We went into 
winter-quarters. The Hague being the head 
of the coalition, which I saw every moment 
ready to tumble to pieces, I went thither again 
with Malborough, and returned to Vienna on 
the 26th of January. 

1711. 

I there found the emperor and his ministers 
still undecided between their private haughti- 
ness and the public interest. ce A baiter or a 
ribbon, in one word," said I, "for Ragqtzi 
and Caroli. Put an end to this tedious rebel- 



PRINCE EUGENE. 143 - 

lion; (71) you may do it cheaply, for the Turk* 
are going to march in behalf of Charles XII ; 
and unless Peter I. commits some egregious 
folly, he will find them employment for a long 
time. 

They sent to me — I may say to me, because 
they have a notion that the president of war 
is the grand vizir — a minister named Zephala 
Aga, to assure the emperor that they had no 
quarrel with him ; but that it was the Rus- 
sians on whom his highness, as he said, was 
going to take vengeance, for reasons known 
tcf the whole world. These were his own 
words. 

Joseph I. was attacked with the small-pox. 
There were no good physicians at Vienna, 
They sent to Lintz for one. It came out in 
such abundance, that I thought him out of 
danger. Before my departure for the Low 
Countries, I would have taken leave of him ; 
he sent me word that I had but too much ex- 
posed my life for him already, and that he 
wanted it elsewhere than for the small-pox. 
I insisted no farther, and set oif on the \6ik 



144 MEMOIRS OF 

of April. Three days afterwards I was in- 
formed of his death, occasioned by the igno- 
rance of the faculty of Upper and Lower 
Austria, who disputed all night about the 
means of relieving an inflammation of the 
bowels, with which the emperor was afflict- 
ed. I sincerely regretted this prince, aged 
thirty-three: the first since Charles V. who 
possessed genius, and was not superstitious; 
and I determined to serve him even after his 
death. I hurried to almost all the electors to 
dispose them to ensure the imperial crown to 
his brother, and then went to solicit the 
Dutch to continue their credit in money 
and friendship to Charles III. King of 
Spain, who became by the title of Emperor 
Charles VI. 

The protestants did not fail to give out 
that the Court of Rome, which had suffered 
some humiliations from Joseph I. had bribed 
his physicians; but no credit should be at- 
tached to defamatory libels, to private anec- 
dotes, as they are called, and to malicious 
doubts. It has long been the fashion to assert 
that great personages die of poison. ( 72) 



PRINCE EUGENE. 145 

Tallard, more dangerous in peace than in 
war, whom I would not have left prisoner in 
England could I have suspected that he would 
there acquire any influence, enabled the 
Tories to triumph, and crush the Whigs. His 
assiduous attention to Mrs. Marsham, the 
queen's new favorite, instead of the Duchess 
of Marlborough, his insinuating manners, and 
his presents of Burgundy and Champagne 
to Right Honourable members of parliament, 
who were amateurs of those wines, changed 
the aspect of European affairs, and then a 
M. Menager, who was sent to that country 
by Louis XIV. The consequences will be 
teen presently. (78) 

Marlborough was playing his last game in 
the Low Countries. He found means to finish 
his military career therewith glory; he forced 
the French lines behind the Senzee, and took 
the city of Bouchain. 

On the disgrace of the duchess, a thousand 
faults were discovered in him. His pride 
was denominated insolence, and his rather too 
great economy was called peculation and ex- 



145 MEMOIRS OF 

tortion. His friends, as may be supposed, 
behaved like friends; and that is saying suf- 
ficient. He was recalled : to me this was a 
thunderbolt. The French assembled on the 
Rhine : I sent Vehlen with a strong detach- 
ment from the Low Countries, and leaving 
the Hague on the 19th of July, I collected as 
expeditiously as possible all the troops I could 
at Frankfurt, and took so good a position in 
a. camp near Miihlberg, as to cause to be held 
and to cover the election to the imperial crown, 
which would have been lost had I received a 
check. The French durst not disturb it ; this 
was for me a campaign of prudence rather than 
of glory. „ 

Queen Anne threw off all restraint. She 
had given an unfavorable reception to the 
Dutch ambassador, and had forbidden Gallas, 
the imperial minister, her court; assigning as 
a reason certain expressions which he was said 
to have used respecting her. Charles VI. or- 
dered me to repair the blunders of Gallas, if 
he had committed any, and to regain the court 
of St. James's. (74) 



PRINCE EUGENE. m 

Had I acted as my good cousin Victor 
Amedasus would have done in my place, I 
should have cried out against Marlborough 
still more loudly than his enemies, and have 
refused to see him. But from policy itself, 
persons of narrow minds ought to counterfeit 
feeling. Their designs are too easily seen 
through. They are despised and miss their 
object. Gratitude, esteem, the partnership in 
80 many military operations, and pity for a 
person in disgrace, caused me to throw my* 
self with emotion into Marlborough's arms. 
Besides, on such occasions, the heart proves 
victorious. The people, who followed me 
every where from the moment I set foot in 
London, perceived it, and liked me the better 
for this : while the Opposition, and the 
honest part of the court, esteemed me the 
more. In one way or other, all was over for 
Austria. I coaxed the people in power a good 
deal. I made presents; there is scarcely any 
thing but what may be bought in England. I 
offered to procure the recal of Gallas. I deli- 
vered a memorial on this subject, and request- 
ed the queen to take other bases at the con- 
gress of Utrecht, where her plenipotentiaries 

tl2 



148 MEMOIRS OF 

already were, that the emperor might be ena- 
bled to send his thither. I received so vague 
a reply, that had the court of Vienna believed 
me, they would not have reckoned at all upon 
the feeble succour of the Duke of Ormond, 
who set out to command the English, as 
successor to the Duke of Marlborough, and I 
should not have lost the battle of Denain. 
Tfiis happened in the following manner: Not- 
withstanding my distinguished reception from 
the queen, who, at my departure, presented 
me with her portrait, I went and told the 
states-general that we had now nobody on 
whom we could rely but themselves ; and 
passing through Utrecht to make my obser- 
vations, I found the tone cf the French so 
altered, so elevated, that I was more certain 
than ever of the truth of what I had an- 
nounced, On my arrival at the Abbey of 
Anchin, where I assembled my army, amount- 
ing to upwards of one hundred thousand men, 
Ormond came and made me the fairest pro- 
mises, and had the gijodiressi to consent to my 
passing the Scheldt below Bouchain. But 
after feigning to agree to the siege of 
Quesnoi, he first strove to dissuade me from 



PRINCE EUGENE. 149 

that step, and then, without reserve, refused 
to concur in it. I said to him : " Well, sir, 
I will do without your eighteen thousand 
men." " I shall lead them," said he, " to 
take possession of Dunkirk, which the French 
are to deliver to me,." " I congratulate the 
two nations/' replied I, '"on this operation, 
which will do equal honor to both. Adieu, 
sir." He ordered all the troops in the pay of 
England to follow him. Very few obeyed. 
I had foreseen the blow, and had made sure 
of the Prince of Anhalt, and the Prince of 
Hesse Cassel. 

.July the 30th, I took Quesnoi. I gave the 
direction of the siege of Landrecy to the 
Prince of Anhalt, and entered the lines which 
I had directed to be formed between Mar- 
chiennes and Denain. The Dutch bad col- 
lected large stores of ammunition and provi- 
sions at Marchiennes. In vain I represented 
to them that they would be better at Quesnoi, 
only three leagues from Landrecy, and but 
ten from us ; the economy of these gentle- 
men opposed the change. This made me say 



150 MEMOIRS OF 

peevishly, and as I have been told, with an 
oath, one day when Alexander's conquests 
were the subject of conversation : " He bad no 
Dutch deputies with his army." I ordered 
twenty of their battalions, and ten squadrons 
tinder the command of the Earl of Albe- 
marle, to enter the lines, and approached 
Quesnoi, with the main body of my army, to 
watch the motions of Villars. During- all these 
shuffling tricks, of which I foresaw that I 
should be the dupe, and which Louis XIV. 
knew nothing of, I made him tremble upon 
his throne. At a very small distance from Ver- 
sailles, one of my partizans carried off Beren- 
ghen, under the idea that it was the dauphin : 
others pillaged Champagne and Lorraine. 
Growenstein, with two thousand horse, levied 
contributions all over the country, spreading 
dismay, and declaring that I was at his heels 
with my army. It was then that he is reported 
to have said : " If Landrecy is taken, I will 
put myself at the head of my nobility, and 
perish rather than see my kingdom lost." 
Would he have done so? I cannot tell. H« 
wanted once to leave the trenches, but was dis- 



PRINCE EUGENE. 151 

suaded. Henry IV. when formerly the con~ 
trary advice was given him, made the sign of 
the cross, and remained where he was. 



Villars thinking himself not strong enough 
to attack me, as I had hoped he would, at- 
tempted the deliverance of Denain in another 
way. I have mentioned my vexation respect- 
ing the magazines at Marchiennes, upon which 
depended the continuation of the siege. Two 
leagues of ground were too much for the 
Dutch corps. But for the defection of the 
English, they might have been defended. 
The following circumstance demonstrated the 
talents of Villars, and a kind of fault with 
which I had to reproach myself: to conceal 
a movement made on his left towards the 
Scheldt, with the greatest possible secrecy 
and celerity, he with his right drew my atten- 
tion to Landrecy, as if he designed to attack 
the lines of countervallation. All at once he 
drew back his right towards his left, which 
during the night had easily thrown bridges 
across the Scheldt, which is not wide at this 
place. These two wings united, advanced 
unknown to the Earl of Albemarle, who at- 



15S MEMOIRS OF 

tempted with his cavalry, but in vain, to fight 
what had passed. He relied upon me, but I 
reckoned upon him. On the first firing of 
his artillery, I marched to his succour, with a 
strong detachment of dragoons, at full trot, 
intending to make them dismount, if necessary, 
and followed by my infantry, which came up 
at a quick pace. The cowardice of the Dutch 
rendered my efforts unavailing. Had they 
but maintained themselves half an hour in the 
post of Denain, I had been in time. So I had 
calculated, in case of the worst, though I was 
deceived by the manoeuvre of Villars. 

I found only eight hundred men, and three 
or four generals drowned in the Scheldt; and 
all those who had been surprised in their 
entrenchments, killed without making any 
defence. Albemarle, and all the princes and 
generals in the Dutch ser'/ice, were taken 
prisoners, while endeavoring to rally their 
troops. The conduct of the former was re- 
presented in very black colors to the states- 
general. I wrote to Heinsius, the pensionary: 
, " It would be my province, sir, to throw the 
faults or the disasters of that day on the Earl 



PRINCE EUGENE. 153 

of Albemarle, if I had a single reproach to 
make him. He behaved like a man of 
honor, but I defy the ablest general to ex- 
tricate himself when his troops, after a vile 
discharge, ignominiously run away. Youj 
obstinacy in leaving your magazines at Mar- 
chiennes is the cause of all this. Assure 
their high mightinesses of the truth of what 
I write you, of my dissatisfaction and pro-^ 
found mortification." (75) 

I was obliged to raise the siege of Landrecy, 
and to approach Mons, for the purpose of 
subsisting my army ; so that I could not pre- 
vent Villars from retaking Douay, (76) Ques- 
noi, 'and Bouchain. 

I often examine myself with the utmost 
possible strictness. It appears to me, that if 
I had placed twenty battalions more in the 
lines, which would have been necessary to 
defend them, Villars, who was stronger than 
I, would then have beaten me. Out of the 
lines, posted as I was, I provided for every 
contingency. Could I expect that an hour at 
the utmost, more or less, would be decisive of, 



154 MEMOIRS OF 

my glory, of the war, and of the salvation of 
France ? The artillery of the lines, which were 
thickly planted with it, ought alone to have 
given me time to come up. Instead of being 
well served, it was abandoned in as cowardly a 
manner as the entrenchments. The two faults 
which I committed were, not disregarding 
the remonstrances of the deputies respecting 
Marchienncs, and confiding a post of such 
importance to their troops, the flower of which 
had perished at Malplaquet. 

Unfortunate in Hainault, I prepared all 
things for being successful in Flanders, at 
the beginning of the next campaign, and con- 
cluded this by sending a detachment to sur- 
prise Fort Kenoque. What a paltry com- 
pensation ! but one must work sometimes for 
the newspapers. 

It may easily be supposed, that I was the 
subject of criticism at Vienna, London, and 
the Hague, and of songs at Paris. Here is 
one which I thought pretty, because it gives 
my history in very few words : 



PRINCE EUGENE. 1>S 

Eugene, op'ning the campaign, 

Swore with air most furious, 
He'd march straightway to Champagne, 

To swig our wines so curious. 
The Dutchman for this journey gay, 
His cheese to Marchiennes sent away ; 
But Villars, nVd with glory, cried: 
" Faith, where you are you'd better 'bide: 
Scheldt's muddy water is, I think, 
Quite good enough for you to drink." 

I went to Utrecht to see how the negotia- 
tions proceeded. England, Savoy, Portugal, 
and Prussia, were ready to sign their treaties ; 
and Holland hung only by a thread. 

I set out for Vienna to report this to the 
emperor. On my arrival, Charles VI. said to 
me: <c You are right; Holland has just 
signed too. So Zinzendorf informs me ; and 
he has sent me the proposals of France, to 
which you will certainly not advise me to 
agree." <c Your Majesty does me justice/ 5 1 
replied. ec We will obtain neutrality for the 
Low Countries ; and with the troops which 
you will order thence, as well as from Naples 
and Lombardy, we shall be able to keep the 
French in check on the Rhine. 



156 MEMOIRS OF 

I hastened to all the states and courts of 
the empire to collect men and money. I pro- 
cured three millions of crowns in one quarter, 
and a million of florins in another. But the 
tardiness of the princes and circles in march- 
ing from their quarters prevented me from 
anticipating the French on the Upper Rhine. 
Charles VI. manifested a desire to command 
his army in person. I represented to him 
that he could gain no honor by it. My opi- 
nion was buTtoo well-founded. As I clearly 
perceived that Villars meant to make an at- 
tempt on Landau, I ordered lines to be form* 
ed at Etlingen, within which I sent one-half 
oi^ my army, and posted the other at Miihl- 
berg, where I hoped my reinforcements 
would arrive before the fall of Landau ; but 
the Prince of Wiirtemberg was obliged to 
capitulate. 

-Still I was in hopes of preventing the 
French from besieging Friburg. I took 
possession of all the defiles of the mountains- 
I threw up entrenchments, formed abattis, 
and erected redoubts at all the principal 
points. The inferiority of my force made m« 



PRINCE EUGENE. J 57 

fear that the peace, which must necessarily 
be soon concluded, would be detestable : I 
called in all my troops, leaving only eigh- 
teen thousand with Vaubonne, to defend the 
passage of the mountains (77) Villars attack- 
ed the heights with his grenadiers. The 
troops of the circles, which I had placed 
behind the ahattis. behaved, like the Dutch at 
Denain, and ran away at the first fire. The 
Duke of Bourbon and the Prince of Conti 
began the attack of the defiles at seven in 
the evening. Vaubonne, hurried away by the 
fugitives, could not rally them till they were 
at such a distance that he could not regain hit 
entrenchments, and contented himself with 
throwing twelve battalions into Friburg. 
After so many battles during a period of thir- 
teen years, the emperor's troops themselves 
were but raw recruits. The best of my 
entrenchments at Hohlgraben being forced, 
there was nothing to check Villars in his 
march across the Black Forest, and he opened 
the trenches before Friburg on the 1st of 
October. Harsch disputed every inch of 
ground. In the night between the 14th and 
15th, the covered way was taken by assault; 



15S MEMOIRS OF 

and he there lost seventeen hundred men. When 
the inhabitants saw that Harsch was determin- 
ed not to surrender till the assault of the body 
of the place, which was battered down with 
balls, the oldest priest carrying the host, the 
magistrates, women, and children, all thronged 
to hin>. The fire from the ramparts continued 
as before ; and when the breach was wide 
enough to enter in companies, on the 1st of 
November he abandoned the town and retired 
into the citadel. This was followed by de- 
fending, fighting, writing, demanding, refus- 
ing, granting, prolonging suspensions of hos- 
tilitiea till the 21st, and then by capitulation. 

Farewel to the empire ! farewel to its two 
bulwarks ! was the general cry at all the 
courts of Germany, which were dying of fear. 
Why are they incorrigible ? If little ministers 
and great or little mistresses were not gained 
by France, they might raise one hundred 
thousand men to defend in the first place the 
passage of the Rhine ; and then the fortresses 
erected and to be erected. There are very 
bad- Germans in Germany. 



PRINCE EUGENE. l'&9 

The same courts and states of the empire 
having crossed me, as some years before they 
had done Prince Louis of Baden, had render- 
ed it impossible for me to relieve those two 
places. This, I confess, horribly disgusted 
me of the war, so that I was one of the first 
to advise the emperor to make peace. France 
had been making prodigious efforts : her re- 
sources are infinite. 'Tis the will of one in- 
dividual and of one nation. The Austrian 
monarchy is composed of five or six, which 
have different constitutions. What a dif- 
ference in civilization, population, and im- 
portance ! The title of emperor does not 
bring a single man or a single kreutzer. He 
must even negociate with his empire that it 
may not be French; with the Bohemians, 
that they may not run away into Prussia and 
Saxony for fear of becoming soldiers ; with 
his Lombards, who are ready to turn Savoy- 
ards; with his Hungarians, ready to turn 
Turks ; and with his Flemings, ready to be- 
come Dutchmen. 

La Houssaie was directed to sound on the 
part of Louis %JLV t and Undbeim, the minis- 



160 . MEMOIRS OF 

ter of the Elector Palatine, on that of Charles 
VI. The first appointed Villars to treat with 
me at Rastadt, to which place I was sent at 
the same time. Villars arrived there first, to 
do the honors of the place, as he told me, and 
came to the foot of the stairs to receive me. 
Never did men embrace with more military 
sincerity, and I may venture to add, with 
more esteem and attachment. Our juvenile 
friendship, when companions in arms in Hun- 
gary, and our intimacy at Vienna, while he 
was ambassador there, interrupted by mili- 
tary exploits on both sides, rendered this in- 
terview so affecting, that the officers and men 
composing our escorts also cordially embraced 
one another. A conversation of an hour, in 
my apartment, to which Villars conducted 
me, fixed the basis of the treaty. " I was in 
expectation," said I laughing to Villars, " of 
exorbitant demands on your part, but I sup^ 
pose they have not yet arrived, since in your 
heart you think mine reasonable: You will 
send a courier to notify my objections; he will 
return to you with orders to agree to none of 
my propositions. Your second will bring you 



PRINCE EUGENE. 161 

intelligence that they are beginning- to listen 
to reason at Vienna, and we shall sign/' All 
that I predicted partly came to pass ; and 
while he was waiting for the second courier, 
I said to him; " Allow me, my dear marshal, 
to go in the mean time to spend the carnival 
at Stuttgard, with the T)uke of Wiirtemberg. 
My body requires recreation ; but for these 
two years, owing to you, my mind has been in 
still greater need of it." — ft With all ray 
heart/* said he, ' f and I will go and amuse 
myself at Strasburg, till Contades, whom I 
will send oft* to the king, shall return with 
fresh instructions. Allow me also to give you 
a ball this evening, as though we were not go- 
ing to fight perhaps for a fortnight to come. 
People will consider our sovereigns the best 
friends in the world, while it is only their 
ambassadors that are so, if you, Monseigneur, 
will permit me to assume an appellation so 
dear to my heart." In the time that we re- 
mained together, I gave him balls and suppers 
in my turn. His entertainment was better than 
mine; which was rather too much in the Ger- 
man style; I was quite out ot my element. 
Whoever saw us together at night would not 

L 



163 MEMOIRS OF 

have supposed that we were quarrelling all 
day. At the entertainments which he gave 
me, his conversation seemed more amusing 
and more agreeable than ever. Nobody could 
be more so than he. He had far more interest- 
ing things to tell me, than when we were ac- 
quainted. We were talking one day of the 
difference of our nations: "Your's," said 
Yillars to me, fC seems immovable, never 
doing glorious things but behalves, and never 
disgracing itself/' — " And your's/' replied I, 
"is never steady. It is in fact two ; one sus- 
ceptible of discipline, fatigue, and enthusiasm, 
when it is headed by a Villars, a Vendome, 
and a Catinat ; and the other, that of Blen- 
heim and Rarnillies, when there was too 
much of Versailles in your affairs. The un- 
derstanding and intelligence of your country- 
men may sometimes be prejudicial, because 
they form an opinion on every subject, and 
that very quickly. For instance, if I had to 
do with some of you, I would equip some of 
my dragoons in the French uniform, and di- 
rect them to cry out on your rear: We arc 
cut off! But with such valor, and such a 
man as you, my dear marshal, they are very 
dangerous fellows/' 



PRINCE EUGENE. US 

sc Indeed/' said he, "we talk without 
being aware of .it, like Hannibal and Scipio. — 
What think jou of the Turks ? Are they yet 
as stupid as in my time, when I began to ad- 
mire you, Monseigneur?" 

" Nobody will ever change their system/' 
answered I, " but it might be turned to 
good account without that. If a pacha, a 
renegado, a general of the allies of the Porte, 
were to place platoons after their manner, as 
a second line in the intervals of the first, and 
others as a third in those of the second, and 
then again reserves; and their spahis on the 
wings, with their accursed shouts of Allah! 
Allah! and their mode of advancing in fifties 
with a pair of colors, they would be in- 
vincible." 

ct You will be angry with me for what I am 
going to say," observed Villars. " Do you 
know the foolish story which has been told 
concerning you, to account for the loss of the 
battle of Denain ?" 



lS 



164 MEMOIRS OF 

" Let me hear it/' said I, tc it will amuse 



<c Well, it was said that you had a mistress 
at Marchiermes ; that an Italian dancer, beau- 
tiful as an angel, had her quarters there ; and 
that you had troops at that post, only for 
her safety and your's, during your nightly 
visits." 

I laughed heartily with him at this story. 

" Indeed/' said I, ee it was rather too late 
for me to catch the foolish fever called love. 
I had better have taken it at Venice or 
Vienna, when we were young. You paid 
attention to ladies, I remember; but it was 
without loving or being loved by them ; for 
they take a French gallant for fashion's 
lake." 

"That often happens to us in France too," 
replied he. "It is a fashion there likewise, 
nay even an employment when we have no- 
thing else to do : indeed, it is almost neces* 
lary to save out character. Consider what 



PRINCE EUGENE. 165 

they have said of M. de Vendome and of 
Catinat." 

He passed some jokes on his friend Madame 
de Maintenon, and the steeple from which Cha- 
inillard had reconnoitred me, and highly 
amused me at the expence of the Duke of 
Burgundy, the Villerois, the Tallards, the 
Marsins, and the La Feuillades. " I was de- 
lighted/' said I, " to find that you were con- 
verting and cutting the throats of the Hu- 
gonots in the Cevennes, (78) instead of being 
opposed to me at Hochstett." I had no diffi- 
culty, to make him acknowledge that, but for 
his wound, he would have beaten me at Mal- 
plaquet; but it was much harder for him to 
prove, as he attempted to do, that I had not 
committed some slight error at Denain. 

Perhaps these little flatteries produced some 
observations favorable to the emperor in his 
dispatches to Louis XIV. I hinted in con- 
versation, that I was not yet acquainted with 
this emperor, and that he seemed to me to be 
extremely obstinate. With pleasure I ob- 
served Villars talking with some members of 



166 MEMOIRS OF 

the states of the empire, supposing that he 
would learn that I had obtained from them 
five millions to begin the war again, if it 
should be absolutely necessary; and we 
parted. 



1714. 

Contades went like the wind., and returned in 
the same manner on the 26th of February. The 
framing of new instructions, the assembling 
of the council, the alterations in the condi- 
tions, the discussions on this subject, and per- 
haps also the dispatching of some secret cou- 
riers, who«arrived without my knowledge— • 
all this was the business of six weeks. 

Villars sent Contades to me, to request that 
I would give credit to whatever he should 
communicate to me in the king's name, and 
we both returned very expeditiously to Ra~ 
stadt. Seeing that very few articles in my 
propositions were altered, I signed on the 6th 
of March. 



PRINCE EUGENE. 167 

X 

I could not forbear laughing at the titles 
assumed by the emperor ; such as, King of 
Corsica, Algiers, Jaen and the Canaries ; 
Duke of Athens and Neopatri ; Lord of Tri- 
poli, &c. ; and beside them, the most Serene 
Prince and Lord Louis XIV.; then my titles 
in abundance, and next to them, the general 
of the French army, named de Villars ; and 
I admired the impertinence of our chanceries. 
" I shall go to Vienna/' said I to him, fe to 
procure the ratification of our treaty, because 
I am afraid that some alterations might be 
made in it ; and I will soon see you again." 

I was most favorably received by the court 
and by the city, both being heartily tired of 
the war. I procured the appointment of ple- 
nipotentiaries to execute the necessary forma- 
lities with those of his Most Christian Ma- 
jesty. It was at Baden that they met for this 
purpose ; and thither Villars and I repaired 
to affix our signatures once more to the same 
contract. 

We were both apprehensive for a moment, 
lest the death of Queen Anne, which hap- 



168 MEMOIRS OF 

pened just at this juncture, should produce 
some alteration ; but our subaltern ministers 
bad the good sense not to make any remon- 
strances to us on that subject. 

All that now grieved me was to be obliged 
to part from Villars, whom I was never to 
see again. " We shall probably fight no 
more battles, and sign no more treaties to- 
gether," said I, to him, " but we shall never 
cease to love and to esteem each other." 
That brave man was also affected at taking 
leave of me, and I departed for Vienna. 



1715. 

The short years of peace which I there 
passed were to me more fatiguing than those 
of war. Abundance of conferences with the 
English and Dutch ministers respecting the 
barrier-treaty of the Low Countries, and also 
with those of the emperor, Harrach, and Zin- 
zendorf, about the restoration of the finances. 
They were dreadfully deranged. I had paid 
the army when and how I could. It was ne- 



PRINCE EUGENE. 169 

cessary for a commanding general to have all 
his wits about him. My bills had sometimes 
been protested ; therefore, in the same manner 
as people send diamonds to a pawnbroker, I 
had sometimes pledged provinces. At length, 
by little and little, notwithstanding the dis- 
harmony of the chiefs of the different depart- 
ments, I effected some little improvement in 
the revenues of the state. 

"When I received information of the death 
of Louis XIV. it produced, I confess, the 
same effect on me as the fall of an old stately 
oak, uprooted by a tempest, and extended on 
the ground. He had stood so long ! Death, 
before it erases great recollections, revives 
them all in the first moment. History is in., 
dulgent to princes in their outset. That of 
this great monarch needed no indulgence; 
hut now age had blunted the talons of the 
lion. A regency was destined to allow us 
time to breathe. But a circumstance occur- 
red, which cut out plenty of work for us 
again. 

At the beginning of May, I gave audience 



l'?0 MEMOIRS OF 

to a Turkish ambassador, who came to re- 
quest the emperor not to interfere in the quar- 
rel between the Sublime Porte and Venice. 

On examining myself, I dare not decide 
whether my opinion was not governed by 
some small degree of personality. Glory is 
sometimes a hypocrite, which disguises itself 
in the cloak of the honor of states. One 
imagines insults, charges others with injuries, 
insolence, and bad intentions, and occasions 
the destruction of five hundred thousand men. 
But this time several of the ministers, and 
Guido Stahrenberg himself, though not a 
friend to me, coincided in my opinion. 
Charles VI. appointed me to the command of 
one hundred and twenty-five thousand men, 
of whom fifty-five thousand were detached in 
two corps. 

Charles VI. conferred on me the govern- 
ment general of the Low Countries. I gave 
the post of deputy-governor to an Italian 
named Prie. I think I might have made a 
better choice. 



PRINCE EUGENE. Ml 

We were again in want of money. Kau- 
nitz went to collect what he could in the 
empire, and the pope granted us a brief for 
levying the tithes and extraordinary dues of 
the clergy in all the provinces of our mo- 
narchy. 

The Turks were placing Temeswar in a 
good state of defence, when a fire, which 
burned forty houses of that town, and another 
at Belgrade, which consumed thirty vessels 
laden with stores, induced a belief that Ma- 
homet disapproved the war. This moment 
of superstition was perhaps fortunate for me; 
for LofFelholtz made himself master of Me- 
trovitz without resistance. 

The pacha complained of these hostilities. 
LofFelholtz replied that they had been begun 
on his side by the fire which his saicks had 
opened on some of the imperial troops who 
were sailing down the Save. The poor pa- 
cha, who perhaps knew nothing of the mat- 
ter, ordered those who had fired to be im- 
paled ; but this I affected to consider as the 
first effect of anger rather than as a repa- 
ration. 



172 



MEMOIRS OF 



It is scarcely possible to decide which of 
two parties is in the wrong at the commence- 
ment of a war. They quarrel, complain, 
recriminate, and fight, before the matter can 
be cleared up. The grand signior would, if 
he durst, have confined the emperor's resi- 
dent, and sent the grand vizir with one hun- 
dred and twenty thousand men, who, thinking 
himself extremely cunning, pretended to be 
marching into Dalmatia, and suddenly turned 
oft' towards Belgrade, with orders not to pass 
the boundary of the two empires. 

After witnessing the birth and decease of 
a young archduke, I set off from Vienna on 
the 1st of July, in consequence of information, 
either true or false, that the Turks intended 
to cross the Save. Langlet took possession 
of Ratheza. The sublime Porte sent us a 
long manifesto, clever enough for a christian 
potentate, which contained sound argument, 
and wore an air of good faith ; but it was easy 
for us to prove that a Turkish spy had al- 
ready been impaled in our camp, and that an 
Hungarian renegado was collecting deserters 
of all nations to form a corps for the service 
•f the Porte. 



PRINCE EUGENE. 173 

On the 2?th of July, I went to Peterwa- 
radin, and the grand vizir into the old en- 
trenchments at Semlin. I had no great diffi- 
culty to draw him from them ; for having as 
much inclination to fight as myself, he met 
me half way. His name was Hali ; and such 
was his enmity to the Christians, that after 
taking one hundred thousand florins as the 
ransom of Breuner, who had been made pri- 
soner, he nevertheless afterwards ordered his 
head to be cut off, as will be seen presently. 
A favorite with his father-in-law, Achmet III. 
deeply involved in the intrigues of the serag- 
lio, ignorant and presumptuous, he was the 
Villeroi of the Turks. S( This grand vizir 
of the infidels," said he, meaning me, "is 
not what he passes for. This will presently 
be seen, for I am marching against him." 
He accordingly crossed the Save. I sent 
John Palfy to reconnoitre ; he had two horses 
killed under him, and retired in good order, 
though seventy thousand spahis attempted to 
surround him ; but he gained a defile. 
" This at least," said I, ff is a pretty decisive 
act of hostility on their part/' It took place 
at Carlowitz, the very spot where peace had 



174 MEMOIRS OF 

been concluded seventeen years before. On 
the 2nd of August I crossed the Danube with 
my army. The host of spahis, who fancied 
they had gained some advantage in the great 
skirmish to which I have alluded,, arrived 
too late to prevent me. They found me en 
camped behind old entrenchments; and as 
•oon as Hali arrived with his janissaries, he 
fell to work to besiege me in their usual way. 
The approaches, trenches, parallels, batteries, 
were all commenced, and almost finished in 
some places by day-break. They follow, as 
I have already observed, the plan of the Ro- 
mans, without being aware of it, by entrench- 
ing themselves immediately on their arrival. 
On the 5th, at eight in the morning, they sa- 
luted me with all their artillery. I fully 
expected that this famous grand vizir would 
commit some blunder or other, and that he 
would be embarrassed with his superior num- 
bers. Being unable to form a larger front, 
on account of my flanks being well supported, 
even when marching, he formed small bodies 
of troops which did not engage. These were 
perhaps designed for reserves, which his good 
sense might have suggested the idea of ( for 



PRINCE EUGENE. ITS 

lie was not deficient in that or in courage 
either), but which were afterwards forgot- 
ten. The Prince of Wiirtemberg, whom I 
ordered to make the first attack on my left, 
broke the enemy, and penetrated every where. 
But my right went on badly; the eight co- 
lumns being obliged to break, in order to pass 
the apertures in my entrenchments, and being 
unable to deploy, on account of the proximity 
of those of the Turks, were roughly handled. 
Lanken and Wallenstein were killed. At this 
moment, Bonneval once more laid me under 
the greatest obligations. All around him were 
killed ; he was himself wounded in the abdo- 
men with a lance. He had but twenty-five 
men left; but he gave me time to send Palfy^ 
with two thousand horse, upon the flank of 
the janissaries, hitherto conquerors in thi| 
attack. We then became victorious, but not 
till after an engagement of five hours. I en- 
tered the magnificent tent of the grand vizir, 
Hali ; and there the chaplains of the nearest 
regiments, in a loud voice returned thanks 
to the God of armies in prayers repeated by 
the soldiers, with a demeanour both military 
and religious. 



176 MEMOIRS Of 

From this place I sent Captain Zeil of my 
regiment to the emperor with the account, 
which was only five or six lines. 'Tis easy 
to be modest when one is successful. (79) 

I did not care to pursue the Turks, for 
they were still much stronger than we. They 
were fired upon, in their retreat, by the ar- 
tillery of Peterwaradin. The unfortunate 
Hali died the next day at Carlowitz of two 
wounds which he received while endeavoring 
at the head of his guards to rally the fugi- 
tives; and it was a few minutes before he 
expired that he ordered young Breuner, whom 
I have already mentioned, to be put to death, 
<( in order," said he, "that this dog may not 
survive me. O that I could serve all the 
Christian dogs in the same manner !" 

The 25th of August I encamped before 
Temeswar, which I invested, and amused 
myself with taking the pacha's handsome ki- 
osk and garden, and a mosque, which the 
Turks chose rather to abandon, than, as they 
said, to prophane by defending it. 



PRINCE EUGENE. 177 

On the 1st of September the trenches were 
opened. I severely scolded Prince Emanuel 
of Portugal, who, not content with beingthere, 
engaged in pursuit of a small body of Turks 
whom he espied. He had his horse killed, 
and received a violent contusion on the knee. 
Fortunately he did not take warning by this, 
but continued to expose himself much in these 
two campaigns. On the 9th the Turks made 
a wretched sally, and on the 24th a reinforce- 
ment, which they attempted to throw into the 
place, was soundly beaten. 

On the 30th we took by assault the Palanka, 
(80) on which the fate of the town almost 
depended ; but it cost us very dear. I there 
lost a great number of officers, alike distin- 
guished for their military and social qualities. 
On the 13th of October Temeswar capitu- 
lated. A few more rainy days would per- 
haps have forced me to raise the siege. How 
fortunate ! The Turks demanded mercy for 
some Gowirouzzers, I recollect that my an- 
swer to this article was : " Those scoundrels 
may go whithersoever they please." That 
appellation is by no means a matter of indif- 

M 



^8 MEMOIRS OF 

ferencc ; it signifies a rebel, and though ori- 
ginally confined to those of Hungary, it is 
good policy to encourage the soldier to apply 
it to all the enemies of the house of Austria, 
as if they were its subjects, and consequently 
to treat them with all the contempt that is 
felt for traitors. The merest trifle sometimes 
gives a useful and advantageous bias to an 
army. 

I set out for Vienna, but by the way went 
through, at Raab, the whole tedious cere- 
mony of being invested with the consecrated 
cap and sword, with which the pope was pleas- 
ed to decorate me. 

The venerable veteran Heister, whom I had 
appointed governor after the battle and siege 
in which he had distinguished himself (being 
determined to take part in them, notwith- 
standing his great age) came to meet me at 
the head of the garrison. Bishop Gondor put 
the cap on my head. I wrote a handsome 
letter in Latin to his holiness, and pursued 
my journey with the Chevalier Rasponi, who 
had brought me all these fine things, whom 



PRINCE EUGENE. 179 

I took as a volunteer about my person, and 
who was soon afterwards killed in a duel 
about a courtezan. 



1717. 

Not a soul complained of an enormous but 
very judiciously divided tax, imposition and 
contribution,, which I proposed to be laid on 
the whole monarchy, at the same time fur- 
nishing it with means of commerce which no- 
body would have thought of. Charles VI. 
ordered all those who had it in their power 
to interfere, not to molest me, and he found 
the benefit of it. Oppenheimer, the celebrated 
Jew, supplied me in a very short time with 
remounts and stores. They cost me rather 
dear, but I was in haste. 

Princes and volunteers came from all 
quarters to serve under me, in numbers suf- 
ficient to compose a squadron. Among the 
former were a Prince of Hesse, two of Ba- 
varia,, a Bevern, a Culmbach, one of Wiir- 
temburg, two of Ligne, one of Lichtenstein, 
m2 



180 MEMOIRS OF 

one of Anhalt Dessau, the Comte de Charo- 
lai, the Princes of Dombes, Marsillac, Pons, 
&c. &c. 

The emperor made me a present of a mag- 
nificent diamond crucifix, assuring me that 
all my victories past and to come were 
from God — an excellent way of releasing 
himself from all obligations to me; and I set 
out for Futack, where I re-assembled the 
army at the end of May. 

It was necessary for me to make myself 
master of Belgrade, which, during three cen- 
turies, had been so often taken and re-taken. 
Luckily, I found there no John de Capistran, 
the Franciscan, who, with the crucifix in his 
hand, and standing all day in the hottest fire, 
defended the place with such obstinacy : nor 
an Hunniades who commanded there against 
Mahomet II. in 1456. Hunniades died of 
his wounds ; Mahomet tost an eye, and the 
friar was canonized. 

The grand signor had unfortunately too 
well replaced the hot-headed grand vizir, who 



PRINCE EUGENE. 181 

had been killed. His successor was Hatschi 
AH, Pacha of Belgrade, who made the most 
judicious dispositions for the preservation of 
the place, and gave me a good deal of trou- 
ble. The 10th of June I crossed the Da- 
nube ; my volunteer princes threw themselves 
into boats that they might arrive first, and 
have an opportunity of charging the spahis 
with some squadrons of Mercy's regiment, 
which had already crossed below Panczova, 
for the purpose of covering the landing of 
some, and the bridge constructed upon eighty- 
four vessels for the others. On the 19th I 
went with a strong escort to reconnoitre the 
^pot where I intended to pitch my camp. 
Twelve hundred spahis rushed upon us with 
unparalleled fury, shouting Allah ! Allah ! 
I know not how one of their officers forced 
his way through a squadron in front of me, 
that he might come to seek me at the head of 
the second, where I was from prudence, hav- 
ing a great many orders to give. He missed 
me. I was going to dispatch him with my 
pistol, when a dragoon by my side knocked 
him from his horse. We had the same day a 
Baval engagement, which lasted two hours, 



182 MEMOIRS OF 

and as our saicks gained the advantage, I re- 
mained master of the operations on the Da- 
nube. The 20ih I made the troops work at 
the lines of countervallation, under a tre- 
mendous fire from the town. Toward the 
conclusion of June, I removed my camp so 
near to Belgrade, that the balls were inces- 
sently flying over my head. A tempest de- 
stroyed my bridges, and but for the intrepi- 
dity of a Hessian officer in a redoubt, I know 
not how I should have reconstructed that of 
the Save. 

Intending to take the place from the side 
next the water, I sent Mercy to attack a 
fort at the mouth of the Donawitz ; but 
lie fell from his horse in a fit of apoplexy. 
He was brought back for dead ; fortunately, 
however, he afterwards recovered. Being 
apprised of the accident, I went to replace 
him, and the fort was taken. The Prince 
of Dombes had a narrow escape by my 
side, from a ball which made my horse prance. 
Marcilly was killed while bravely defending 
himself in a post, which I had directed him 
t o entrench. (81) He begged assistance of 



PRINCE EUGENE. I S3 

Rodolph Heister, who refused it, and who was 
luckily killed (as a punishment for his cow- 
ardice) by a cannon-ball which reached him 
behind his chevaux de frise., I arrived by 
accident at first with a strong escort only : I 
sent for a large detachment ; I stopped, and 
completely defeated the janissaries, leaving 
indeed five hundred killed upon the spot, and 
among them, Torre, Visconti, Siegen, &c. 
Here also fell the Pacha of Romelia, the best 
officer of the Mussulmans. 

On the 22& of July, my batteries were 
finished. I bombarded, burned, and batter- 
ed down the city at such a rate, that it 
would have capitulated, but for the intelli- 
gence that the grand vizir was expected to ar- 
rive on the 30th at Nissa, with two hundred 
thousand men. 

The 1st of August he made his appearance 
on the heights that overlooked my camp, ex- 
tending in a semicircle from the hills of 
Krotzka to those of Dedina. The Mussul- 
mans who covered them formed the finest 
amphitheatre in the world, a charming view 



184 MEMOIRS OF 

for a painter, but a most execrable one for a 
general. Cooped up between this army and 
a fortress with a garrison of thirty thousand 
men, the Danube on my right, and the Save 
on my left, my resolution was formed. I in- 
tended to march out of my lines to attack 
them, notwithstanding the advantage of their 
ground ; but the fever which had already 
begun to make havoc among my army, did 
not spare me. There was I seriously ill, and 
confined to my bed, instead of being at the 
head of my troops, whom I was anxious to 
lead to glory. 

I must needs think that they were rather 
uneasy at court, in the city, and even in my 
army. Both courage and good fortune are 
required to extricate one's self from such a 
situation. Any general, who should have re- 
placed me, might, nay must, have supposed 
that he should be ruined if he retreated, and 
beaten if he did not. Our condition was 
growing daily worse. The heavy artillery of 
the Turks had arrived on the heights which 
I have mentioned. We were so bombarded 
from them, as well as from the fortress, that 



PRINCE EUGENE. 185 

I knew not where to place my tent, for several 
of my servants had been killed going into and 
out of it. In the little skirmishes (and such 
were very frequent) with the spahis, my 
young volunteers never failed to go and ply 
their pistols, though the cannon always inter* 
fered in these affairs. One day d'Estrades,(82) 
governor of the Prince de Dombes, had a leg 
shot off by his side, and one of his pages was 
killed. All our princes whom I have named 
above distinguished themselves, and loved me 
as their father. 

I had caused the country in the rear of the 
grand vizir's army to be ravaged ; but those 
people, as well as their horses, and above all 
their camels, subsist upon almost nothing. 
Not an hour passed in which I was not losing 
a score men by the dysentery, or the cannon 
of the lines, which the infidels every night 
advanced a good deal nearer to my entrench- 
ments. I was, if any thing, less the besieger 
than the besieged. Things went on better for 
me in the city. A bomb in a powder maga- 
zine completely destroyed it, and occasioned 
the loss of three thousand lives. 



1S6 MEMOIRS OF 

At length I recovered from my disorder, 
and on the 15th of August, in spite of the 
bad advice of people who are not fond of bat- 
tles, I determined upon an engagement. I 
expected that ennui and despair would give 
me success. 

I slept not like Alexander before the battle 
of Arbela, though the Turks did, without 
being Alexanders : opium and predestination 
make them philosophers. I gave short and 
clear instructions according to any circum- 
stances that might happen, and left my en- 
trenchments about one in the morning. The 
darkness, and then the fog, rendered my first 
efforts a game of chance. Some of my bat- 
talions of the right wing fell on their march, 
without intending it, into a branch of the 
trenches of the Turks. Dreadful was the con- 
fusion that ensued among the latter, as they 
have neither advanced posts nor scouts ; our 
confusion was not less, baffling all description : 
on the left and in the centre they began firing 
on both sides, without knowing at what. 
The janissaries fled from their entrenchments, 
into which I had time to throw fascines and 



PRINCE EUGENE. 187 

gabions, to form a passage for my cavalry, 
who pursued them I know not how. The 
fog dispersed, and the Turks perceived a ter- 
rible opening; but for my second line, which 
I ordered to march immediately to fill this 
chasm, I should have been undone. I would 
then have marched in order ; but no such 
thing; I was better served than I imagined. 
La Colonie, at the head ef his Bavarians, 
gave way to his ardor, and took a battery of 
eighteen pieces of cannon. I was obliged to 
do better than I would : I supported the Ba- 
varians ; and the Turks, after running to the 
very heights, lost all the advantage of their 
ground. A large body of their cavalry fell 
upon mine, which had advanced too far; a 
whole regiment was cut in pieces, but two 
others seasonably coming up to its relief, de- 
cided the victory. Here I received a cut with 
a sabre; it was, I believe, my thirteenth 
wound, and probably my last. All was over 
by eleven in the morning. Viard, during the 
action, overawed the garrison of Belgrade, 
which capitulated the same day. I forgot 
that there was no Boufflers in the city ; I be- 
haved generously, and granted the honors of 



188 MEMOIRS OF 

war to the garrison, who, not knowing what 
they meant, neglected to avail itself of them. 
Men, women, children, carriages and camels, 
departed all at once, pell-mell, either by land 
or by water. (83) 

At Vienna the devout ascribed my succes* 
to a miracle, and those who envied me to good 
luck. Charles VI. I believe was among the 
former, and Guido Stahrenberg among the 
latter. I was well received there as might be 
expected. 

It has already been seen that I sometimes 
sat in judgment on myself. Here is my opi- 
nion respecting this victory, which I have ra- 
ther to justify myself for than to boast of. 
My partizans have extolled it too highly, 
and those who were jealous of me have found 
too much fault with it. They ought rather 
to have proposed to cut off my head on this 
occasion than for Zenta, for there I risked 
nothing. I was sure of victory; whereas here 
I might not only have been beaten, but over- 
whelmed, undone, if a tempest or the cannon 
of the Turkish lines to the left on the banks 



PRINCE EUGENE. 18§ 

of the Danube had destroyed my bridges ; but 
I had indeed the superiority in saicks, work- 
men, and gunners, to protect or repair them, 
and a corps at Semlin. 

Could I anticipate the tardiness or ill-will 
of authorities which clash where there are so 
many internal abuses in the administration, 
and such ignorance in the heads of the civil 
department and commissariat ? This cau*e 
kept me destitute of all that was necessary for 
me to begin the siege and take Belgrade 
before the arrival of the Grand Vizir ; and 
this afterwards prevented me from being be- 
forehand with him upon the heights ; which 
I should nevertheless have occupied but for my 
accursed fever, before his artillery had arrived 
there. And then that unfortunate dysentery, 
which carried my army to the hospital, or 
rather to the grave ; for every regiment had 

a cemetery behind its camp could any one 

anticipate that too ? It was these two reasons 
that made me attack and consequently risk 
every thing and nothing, for I was as sure to 
be ruined in one way as in the other. I 
threw up entrenchments upon entrenchments: I 



190 MEMOIRS OF 

knew a little more on that subject than my 
comrade the Grand Vizir; and had a suffi- 
cient number of people in health to guard 
them. I obliged him to decamp for want of 
provisions (for the country to the distance of 
seven miles behind his camp had been ra- 
vaged, as I have already observed) and con- 
sequently Belgrade to surrender. If then this 
manuscript should come to light, no praise, 
my dear reader, nor censure. In a word, I 
might not have come off so well, but for the 
protection of the Virgin, according to the opi- 
nion of Charles VI. his Jesuit, and the pious 
souls who wished me at the devil; for the 
battle was fought on Assumption day. 

Europe was negociating elsewhere. Some 
charitable creature advised the emperor to 
seud me for that purpose to London, with a 
view to procure for another the easy glory of 
putting an end to the war. 



PRINCE EUGENE. 191 



1718. 

I was not such a simpleton as to be caught 
in this snare, and I set out for Hungary at 
the beginning of June, with a fine sword, 
worth eighty thousand florins, given me by the 
emperor. 

In regard to friends and enemies, I ought 
to observe that I was often indebted for mj 
successes to foreigners serving in my armies. 
Among these I have had the following French- 
men : Commercy, Vaudemont, Stainville, Ra- 
butin, Erbeville, Saint-Amour, Dupigny 
Montigni, Corbeille, Bonneval, Langallerie, 
Castel, Viard, Vaubonne, the two Mercys ; 
Princes of Lorraine, Croy, la Marche, Hau. 
tois, Gondrecour, La Colonie, Batte, Faber, 
Marisny, Martigny, Langlet, and the Duke 
of Aremberg, whom I may reckon a foreign- 
er, being from the Low Countries. All of 
them had many French officers in their regi- 
ments. There were likewise a great number 
in the two regiments of Francis and Leopold 
Lorraine, in mine, in that of my nephew, 



192 MEMOIRS OF 

and of Eman uel, Prince of Portugal. Hamil- 
ton, Brown, and the two Wallis's, were Irish. 
Of Italians I had Marcelli, Montecuculli, 
Veterani, Locatelli, Arragoni, Bagni, Orselti, 
Massei, Magni Videlli, Negrelli, RosaGrana, 
Porica, Perselli, Cavriani, Strasoldo, &c. and 
of Spaniards, Vasques, Galbes, Cordua, Ahu- 
mada, and Alcandet. 

I might also reckon as foreigners ( for they 
pass almost for such at Vienna) the Hunga- 
rians, of whom I had two Palfys, Nadasti, 
Esterhazy, Spleni, Ebergeni, Baboezai, which 
proves that there were many Austrians at 
court, and few in the army ; my Germans 
being almost all from the empire. The heads 
of families, and the eldest sons, do not enter 
into the service in this country. It was in 
vain that I attempted to introduce the fa- 
shion. 

The Turks were desirous of making peace, 
and so was the emperor. I could very well 
have dispensed with it, for I confess that 
I was fond of war. All the courts sent ne- 
gociators to Passarowitz. To procure the bet- 



PRINCE EUGENE. 19 



rt 



ter conditions, I marched towards the grand 
vizir, who had just arrived with his army 
in the neighbourhood' of Nissa. 1 should 
have had an easy task, for he had only 
eighty thousand men ; I was in the best disposi- 
tion for attacking him, when a cursed courier 
brought me the unwelcome intelligence that 
the treaty of peace had been signed on the 
21st of July. With us this is only called a 
truce, which one observes as long as one 
pleases, or breaks according to circumstances. 
This lasted but twenty-live years. It was a 
cardinal, (81) who ought to have been the 
enemy of Mahomet, that saved his empire. In 
this manner policy trifles with religion. Albe* 
roni caused Spain to declare against us. 

If the repairs which I ordered to be made 
at Orsowa, and the fortifications at Belgrade, 
and the allotment of quarters in Hungary 
had not detained me there, I should have 
caused the emperor to be respected in my go- 
vernment general of the Low Countries. Prie 
had suppressed the first commotion by fetch- 
ing from Luxemburg Prince Ferdinand dc 
Ligne's regiment of dragoons,, A second 



13* MEMOIRS OF 

took place ; the rioters in the great square at 
Brussels were fired upon, but instead of "con- 
tinuing to employ force,, Prie was frightened, 
because he was told that the country-people 
were coming to avenge the death of the inha- 
bitants of the city, He ought to have been 
recalled, but the wily Italian, well aware 
that this would be my opinion, made amends 
for his weakness. 



1719. 

With a force of twenty-five thousand men, 
whom I prevailed upon the emperor to send 
to the Low Countries, upon a third rebellion 
(for the citizens of Brussels attempted from 
day to day to undermine the authority of the 
sovereign) he caused, on the 18th of Decem- 
ber, the five ring-leaders to be hanged, and 
Anniessens, the father of the city, to be be- 
headed. (85) When his head dropped upon the 
scaffold, the silly rebels dipped their hand- 
kerchiefs in his blood, as formerly in that of 
Egmont and Hoorn;(86) and all was over. 



MINCE EUGENE. 195 

Weary of these disturbances, to which one 
could not apply the name of revolts, and the 
squabbles of Prie and Bonneval, (87) who, at 
the distance of three hundred leagues, endea- 
vored to oblige me to take up the sword again, 
and to crown all his indiscretions had turned 
Turk, I requested the emperor to give his 
sister a government, to which I had not time 
to go and reduce the people to reason. Here 
is what I had written to Prie during the trou- 
bles ; which proves that people knew not 
what they were talking about when they said 
that I supported him ; for I never studied ap- 
pearances : " Represent to the Flemings, that 
it is their interest to cause a belief that they 
have it in their power to revolt, in order that 
they may be treated with some indulgence by 
the court ; but never to do so because they 
would demonstrate the poverty of their cha- 
racter, and the nullity of their resources. 
Represent to them that with four pieces of 
cannon at the corners of a city, one may make 
it tremble. Represent to the least stupid, 
that nothing is ever gained by a revolution, 
because people know not what to set up in the 
n2 



196 MEMOIRS OF 

place of what they have destroyed ; and that 
the worst of sovereigns is preferred to the 
ablest men who succeed* him. Besides, ours 
is too good to them ; the government of the 
House of Austria is of the mildest kind. Repre- 
sent to the most upright that the accomplish- 
ment of a revolution requires crimes which 
make one shudder, but without which rebels 
are only laughed at; and that they must 
choose between the gibbet and obedience : 
and you, M. Prie, between your recal and the 
Spielberg ; vigor to prevent insurrections, and 
rigor to punish them." 

The emperor made me his vicar-general in 
Italy, with a salary of one hundred and fifty 
thousand florins. 

Alberoni, our inveterate enemy, being dis^ 
missed, and his Philip IV. having acceded 
to the quadruple alliance, I had time to think 
.of 'my pleasure. It was my fancy to build my 
palace in the suburbs, somewhat in the Turk- 
ish or Arabic taste, with rny four towers, 
which I well know were not in any genuine 



PRINCE EUGENE. 19? 

ttyle of architecture, but they called to mina 
a great event. It was the spot where, in 
1529, the grand vizir had pitched his tent; 
and I constructed my menagerie at Beugebey 
exactly like the Mufti's camp, with towers 
in which there had been tents for prayer. 

The arrangement of my maps, p!ans, and 
fine editions, which I had bought in London, 
and of the excellent French, Latin, and 
Italian works, well bound, afforded me oecu-' 
pation, as well as my cascades , large jets 
d'eau, and superb basons. To return to my 
towers, for which I was censured, I replied 
to those who found fault with them: C{ \ am 
tfs well acquainted as you are with the five 
Grecian orders, and also with the seven orders, 
of battle of Vegetius. I like to have an order 
of my own in both sciences, and I have found 
the benefit of it." 

A very agreeable moment for me was oc- 
casioned by a Turkish embassy* The grand 
signor sent me the two finest Arabian horses 
I ever saw, a scymetar, and a turban, with 
^his message : " The one is a symbol of thy 



198 MEMOIRS OF 

valor, the other of thy genius and of thy 
wisdom. " I like this eastern compliment, 
and distrust those of christians. 



1720. 

This was one of the most tranquil years of 
my life. Taken up entirely with the arts and 
company, I did not do much. We had, as 
every where else, love intrigues and court 
intrigues ; but among the latter, none of those 
of waiting-women, such as we had seen in 
France. Oue sovereigns, fortunately owing 
to their great pride, do not degrade themselves 
by intercourse with the vulgar ; and every 
where else the valets, the grooms of the tfrne 
of Rodolph II. the huntsmen (where the 
monarch is fond of the chace), and, in short, 
mean people possess influence, afford protec- 
tion, are dangerous, and do mischief. Charles 
VI. on the contrary, in order* to keep them at 
a distance, made his chamberlains dress him, 
and they, after putting on his shoes, made a 
low genuflexion, and retired without uttering 
a word. 



PRINCE EUGENE. 199 

Agreeably to my advice, the protestants 
were protected against the too orthodox ca- 
tholics and the Elector Palatine, to whom, 
but for this, the King of Prussia would have 
proved that he was the protector of his reli- 
gion. In spite of me, Nirnsch was punished 
for having written against me, it was said, and 
for having corresponded with Alberoni ; but 
I procured a pardon for him, at least in part. 
As I did not even care about the excellent songs 
of Rousseau and Bonneval, still less should I 
notice paltry paragraphs, or ill- written decla- 
mations. 



1722. 

I had not much to say, and very \ilt\e to 
do. Charles VI. displayed his magnificence at 
the marriage of his niece. (88) I gave enter- 
tainments too, and must confess that I was de- 
lighted with my military court, and my old 
comrades. That of the emperor was natu- 
rally more illustrious in point of rank, but 
not in merit. All the most distinguished 



200 MEMOIRS OF 

persons in the empire were there. But the 
situation of La Favorita, in a street of the 
suburbs, was not favorable either to diversion 
or dignity. The dresses were all superb; but 
taking no pleasure in parade of th&t kind, I 
often' wore my uniform, and some of the gene- 
rals followed my example. 

I received a great deal of company at my 
house between dinner and the play, because 
I find that more business may be done in a 
drawing-room than in a closet. I walked 
about with some foreign minister, or sat down 
in a corner with some of our own ; and a 
communicative air makes people talkative. 
On the other hand, I often see the reserve of 
others repel every body; and, concealing their 
mediocrity under the cloak of gravity and dis- 
cretion, these gentlemen know no one, they 
are unacquainted with public and private opi- 
nion ; and less secret than discreet, they are 
strangers to all that is passing. 'Tis thus that 
sovereigns are often deceived for want of mix- 
ing with society. 

There has not been a single bad one of the 



PRINCE EUGENE. 201 

House of Austria, excepting Philip II. all 
his life, and Ferdinand II. once or twice. 
Charles VI. was only unfortunate in the 
choice of his servants. His minister of the 
finances was an idiot. I caused him to be 
dismissed, and Gundacker Stahrenberg, a man 
of merit, to be appointed in his stead. Stratt- 
raan likewise possessed infinite merit and great 
intelligence. Jorger had sound judgment, and 
spoke and wrote extremely well. 



1723. 

Charles VI. went to be crowned King of 
Bohemia : more pleasures and ceremonies. 
Charles had a reserved Spanish air, and took 
but little pains to laugh, though he was very 
fond of buffoons. This is always the case 
with people who are not naturally cheerful. 
He was good and just. 

Leopold, in my opinion, had more under- 
standing ; but Joseph, who possessed still 
more than either, was amiable, and would 
have governed in his own person. I said to 



202 MEMOIRS OF 

him shortly before his death: <( Employ, 
sire, none but honest men ; but if you some- 
times find a scoundrel willing to undertake 
the dirty work of intrigues, and not ashamed 
to have his conduct disavowed, make use of 
such an one without esteeming him. The 
honor of states is not so ticklish as that of in- 
dividuals, Bad faith and meanness, inde- 
pendently of the abhorrence which they ex- 
cite, are not sound policy. But address and 
dissimulation are allowable. Don't proceed 
too far against Rome and the clergy. You 
do not love France ; that I think perfectly 
natural, for though beaten by us at present, 
she possesses more resources than your ma- 
jesty. If we continue successful, notwith- 
standing the change which is preparing in 
England, after you have made peace, do not 
begin again; and never threaten any power, 
till you are ready to strike. A young and 
ambitious monarch at the head of that, would 
conquer the world. Fortunately when Louis 
XIV. was young, he speedily returned to 
Versailles to dance Vaimable vainqueur, and 
to hear an opera by his panegyrist Quinault: 
*nd at present he has not long to live." 



PRINCE EUGENE. 203 

Though Joseph was not a bigot like his suc- 
cessor, he would never have deceived the 
share-holders of the company of Ostend, and 
with his magnanimous character, he would 
not have crouched, like him, to the maritime 
powers. He one day said to me : " Had I 
been in my father's place, I should not have 
run away to Lintz, when you entered into our 
service. I would not have suffered myself to 
be shut up in Vienna; but would have acted 
as aid-de-camp to the Duke of Lorraine, at 
the battle of Vienna. I know what courtiers 
are. I saw enough of them at the siege of 
Landau. They pretended to tremble for us, 
and it is for themselves they tremble all the 
while." The severe and frigid Leopold was 
not fond of Joseph. He was more partial to 
Charles, his younger brother, who was less 
petulant, and more of a Spaniard in every 
respect, and could not forgive his love of 
pleasure, and his bursts of passion. It is 
true he was once guilty of great indecorum in 
beating, in his presence, and that of a large 
company at a public entertainment, one of his 
people who did not pay proper attention to 
him. (89) 



£04 MEMOIRS OF 

When I did not directly interfere in matters 
of little importance,, I was reproached with 
indolence, authorized, it was spitefully ob- 
served, by my long and active military ser- 
vice. Had I entered into all the petty details, 
I should have been called trifling. I left them 
to Koch, Etlet, and Brockhausen, my referent 
daries. People clamored against them ; that 
made very little impression upon me : I had on 
my side all the good company, the populace,, 
and the soldiery, whom I loved more than 
I did a great many illustrious nobles, with 
whom I had occasion to be dissatisfied for 
their want of talents in war. I supported 
those three gentlemen, it was alleged. I was 
not a weathercock to turn with every wind. 
They understood me if I spoke but half a 
word; and I should have done more harm 
to the public service by changing them, than 
good by redressing perhaps some slight 
abuses which it is difficult to discover and 
to prevent. 

I read much, and had others to read to 
me: I had scarcely ever had time for it before. 
I was surprised to find in the history of the 



PRINCE EUGENE. 205 

Greeks, the Romans, and the French of the 
early years of Louis XIV. many things 
which I had done without .knowing of these 
precedents, as if by instinct. I resolved to 
give my library to the emperor after my 
death, for he wants it, but my niece not at 
all. She will like better to play and to keep 
a. little- court. 



1724. 

I applied myself a good deal to internal 
affairs. I said to the ministers : (C Cannot you 
disband this host of underlings, who pre- 
vent the money from reaching the pocket of 
the sovereign ? contrive a tax proportionate to 
the income or earnings of each individual ? 
provide habitations for paupers, and set them 
to work ? consult the English, the Dutch, 
the bankers, for a good system of finance and 
manufactures ? invit3 Flemings to improve 
our agriculture ? bring our heaths into cul- 
tivation, by means of the monks or the sol- 
diers, for whom villages might be built oh 



^06 MEMOIRS OF 

them ? borrow of the clergy at two per cent ? 
dig a bed for the river Wien, to carry off the 
filth of the esplanade, which infects the city, 
and construct a fine quay, planted with four 
alleys of plantain-trees or acacia? join the 
rivers by canals ? cause the roads to be re- 
paired by the proprietors of the adjacent 
lands, without ruining the government by 
constructing them ? double our population by 
the Huguenots of France, and the emigrants 
from the empire who are ill used by their 
petty tyrants of sovereigns ?" 

I said to our generals: (f Cannot you, to 
spare the emperor's subjects, raise regiments 
of Turks, Poles, Prussians, Saxons, and Ita- 
lians, by inducing them to desert, and enlist- 
ing deserters ? levy an Hungarian, Austrian^ 
Bohemian, and Walloon army, with none but 
officers of their respective nations to keep 
alive emulation? give furloughs to native 
subjects ? keep up strong garrisons at Vienna, 
Presburg, Olmutz, Gratz, Lintz, Brussels, 
Luxemburg, and Milan ? form an entrenched 
camp on each frontier, since fortresses are too 



PRINCE EUGENE. 20? 

expensive ; and encourage the breeding of 
horses, that money may not be carried out of 
the country ?" 

Report has given a mistress to Charles VI. 
as to any other person — the Spanish Altheim, 
though she was no more his mistress than 
the Italian lady was mine formerly, or than 
Bathiany is now : but as his friend, I said to 
her: ''Cannot you persuade the emperor to 
gain the love of the electors and first princes 
of the empire ; to draw them to Vienna by 
magnificent fetes ; to give them the order 
of the Fleece, or some other to their ministers, 
or colors to their bastards, and pensions or 
handsome recruiting officers to their mis- 
tresses? 

I said to the confessor : — <e Prevept accu- 
sations, informations, cabals, unjust proceed- 
ings for want of entering into the merits of 
cases ; the monks from enriching themselves 
by foundations and votive gifts. Allow every 
convent to keep a certain number of in- 
valids/' 



208 MEMOIRS OF 

To the emperor I said: tf Prevent the Prus- 
sians,, sire, from rising; the Russians from 
forming and acquainting themselves with our 
affairs ; and the French from gaining the pre- 
ponderance. Your monarchy is rather strag- 
gling ; but for that very reason it adjoins the 
north, the south, and the east. It is more- 
over in the centre of Europe, to which your 
majesty ought to give law." 

I return to the Spanish Altheim. As 
Charles VI. liked to speak Spanish, he dis- 
tinguished this lady. He would have made 
love with the same gravity as he killed the 
grand- equerry to whom I have alluded. He 
was afflicted beyond measure at the accident ; 
but nothing ever appeared on his imperial 
face. 

It were to be wished that this female had 
introduced into Austria the gallantry of her 
country, like the mother of Louis XIV. to 
whom the court of France owed its polite- 
ness, its taste, the amenity of its manners, still 
rather savage, in consequence of the troubles 



PRINCE EUGENE. 209 

which that nation, fickle and cruel as chil- 
dren, prolonged with such barbarity. Of 
this the Germans are incapable, but without 
gallantry, fortunately not without love, though 
restrained by the devotion of their sovereigns; 
this only excited a higher relish for its plea- 
sures, which were not the less indulged in -at 
Vienna There are in this country so many 
beautiful women, that in vain were ugly ones 
sought as attendants on the court ; scarcely 
any could be found, and thus the intention of 
their Imperial Majesties to remove all danger- 
ous objects from their antichambers and gal- 
leries was never accomplished. 



1725. 

The Congress of Cambray went on very 
ill ; Riperda was sent to Vienna. He was 
referred to Zlnzendorf and me, to whom was 
left the business of demanding, refusing, and 
at length accommodating matters ; and on 
the 1st of May we signed the treaty between 
Austria and Spain. I was much pleased with 
the society of the Duke de Richelieu, whom 



2lo memoirs' of 

Cardinal Fleury caused to be ridiculously re- 
called on account of an absurd story of a 
conspiracy in the gardens of Leopoldstadt. 
By a double artifice on his part, of policy 
and love, he endeavoured and expected to gain 
Madame de Bathiany; and thinking himself 
extremely cunning, he sometimes played with 
us at piquet. This amused us much. The 
wish for an adventure that should make some 
noise rendered him every day more and more 
agreeable to us both. He won neither the lady 
nor the secret ; but we were delighted with 
Jiis redoubled pains to please us. (90) 



1726. 

After having been a soldier, minister, grand 
vizir, financier, postilion, negociator, I was 
at last made a merchant. I established the 
Ostend company, which the gold and jealousy 
of the maritime powers caused afterwards to 
be suppressed ; and another at Vienna, to 
traffic, export, and navigate upon the Danube 
and Adriatic Sea, where I converted Trieste 
into a port capable of containing two squa- 



PRINCE EUGENE. 21 i 

drons of men of war, to escort and protect 
the merchant vessels. I directed other small 
ports, or at least shelters,, to be formed in the 
Gulf of Venice, the advantages of which 
were acknowledged by the whole monarchy. 

1727. 

I spent this whole year in consulting mer- 
chants, bankers, and men of business ; in 
drawing them over from foreign countries ; 
in writing to England and Holland, for the 
purpose of establishing good commercial 
houses at Ostend and Antwerp ; and to Spain, 
Italy, and even Turkey, with a view to esta- 
blish others at Trieste and Vienna. This 
interested, amused, and occupied me exceed- 
ingly. I frustrated the miserable plans of 
our ministers of finance, who had never stu- 
died or travelled. I occasioned the settle- 
ment among us of consuls, a kind of people 
to whom we alone were before strangers. I 
formed studs in Hungary and Bohemia for 
breeding horses, that money might not be sent 
o3 



212 MEMOIRS OF 

out of the country: and I can affirm that for 
ten years the emperor's affairs never went on 
so well, and perhaps never will again. 



1728. 

Charles VI. resolved to go and examine the 
improvements at Trieste. I was of the party, 
and should have been heartily tired but for 
Prince Francis of Lorraine, who was ex- 
tremely amiable, handsome, only twenty years 
of age, and gay as his little court of Lorraine. 
( 91 ) Some pretty ladies belonging to the court 
who attended the empress in this journey 
contributed to render it pleasing, notwith- 
standing the bigotted austerity of that prin- 
cess. 

Charles VI. though the bravest of men now 
living, was less so by half than Leopold. 
He knew how to give his court a suitable 
degree of splendor, and with us and our at- 
tendants, he bad more than fifteen hundred 
persons in his retinue. He had dances at 



PRINCE EUGENE. 212 

Gratz ; killed shamoys by the way ; and wai 
satisfied with the port and city of Trieste. 



1720. 

To complete my work I had to battle a 
good deal with the over-righteous Catholics 
and big wigs of this country. The Jesuits 
are indulgent when one knows how to manage 
them. They were very useful to me in pro- 
curing a cessation of the persecutions prac- 
tised upon the Protestants in my fleet, who 
were forbidden the exercise of their religion. 
The only sailors left me were those who had 
none at all, or hypocrites. This was still 
worse; for how could I trust these two classes 
of people, who had no fear of God, but only 
feared the emperor? The honest Swedish, 
Danish, Hamburgh, and Liibeck sailors, and 
merchants, returned or remained ; thanks to a 
couple of Protestant ministers whom I kept on 
board of our ships. 



214 MEMOIRS OF 



1730. 



At length I enjoyed the pleasure of having 
the first fair at Trieste ; and after some labor 
upon the finances, to find money enough to 
raise thirty-six thousand men, with whom the 
temperor resolved to augment his army. He 
was right to hold himself in readiness for all 
events; 'tis the way to preserve peace. But 
I thought I could perceive that certain in- 
triguers for their own private interests, or cer- 
tain zealous, but shallow persons, would not 
be displeased to produce a rupture on the first 
opportunity. The French are clever in dis- 
covering what passes, and by these means are 
always in a better condition than others. 



173K 

The Duke of Liria was the minister of 
Spain, and Robinson minister of England. 
People were not long in the dark reaped^ 



PRINCE EUGENE. " 215 

ing my long- conferences vvi.h them; and on 
the 22nd of July., a treaty of offensive alliance 
between our three courts wa signed. I am 
no friend to protracted preparations or to 
half-measures. One is ignorant what is pass- 
ing at one's own court, though it is known at 
foreign courts It is not till the first day of 
the campaign that the public ought to be in- 
formed of alliances. 



1732. 

The court of Versailles, for example, was 
not duped by the journey to Carlsbad, whither 
I accompanied the emperor, who gave out 
that he was going for the benefit of the waters. 
It was obvious that some interview was in con- 
templation. The King of Prussia (92) .was 
waiting fqx us at Prague, and the moment I 
had dressed myself to pay my respects to him, 
who should enter but his majesty. " No ce- 
remony," said he to me ; Ci I am come to chat 
with my master/' He was a Charles XII. 
of peace; he dreamt of nothing but military 
matters ; but there were only parades, exer- 



216 MEMOIRS OF 

cises, short coats, little hats, and tall men. 
I was obliged to hear him talk on all these 
subjects, of the fine order of his troops, and 
of his economy. Here I took him up, and 
advised him to amass plenty of money and 
plenty of men to defend us if we were at- 
tacked ; for my system, as may be perceived., 
was not to make war, but to create a barrier 
against France, in order to take from her all 
inclination to attack us. Preferring friends 
to allies, who are often troublesome, and a 
kind of tutors, I only engaged him not to de- 
clare against us ; knowing his avarice, I was 
apprehensive lest we should not prevail so far. 
I persuaded Charles VI. to descend a step 
from his Spanish haughtiness, and at least to 
give him a friendly reception. He gave him 
a handsome entertainment, which cost a good 
deal of money. I prevailed upon all the Bo- 
hemian nobility to pay high honors to the 
king. He would have preferred a review to 
a ball, but that was not our forte. I had 
been so successful in the higher tactics as to 
care nothing about wheeling to the right and 
left, and the manual exercise. The contrast 
of the dignity and magnificence of our em- 



PRINCE EUGENE. 217 

peror in a mantle of gold, with this royal 
corporal, was very diverting. He returned 
to Potzdam, and we to Vienna. 



1733. 

It was about this time that I clearly per- 
ceived the diminution of my influence. The 
King of Poland died in the month of Febru- 
ary. Russia proposed to assist us in securing 
the election of his son Augustus III. in spite of 
France, who was desirous of again seating Sta- 
nislaus upon the throne. (93) A great confer- 
ence at court ; scarcely any division of opinion : 
that for making war is espou&ed principally 
by those who take no part in war, as the mi- 
nisters, the priests, the women, and the loun- 
gers of a great city. I said one day in a com- 
pany where they were clamoring on the sub- 
ject; sc I wish that your excellencies, and 
you ladies, were each obliged to pay four 
thousand ducats ; and that you fine gentlemen 
had to march immediately with muskets on 
your shoulders, " This reminds me of two 



g l 8 MEMOIRS OF 

lines which I read some time ago, I know not 
where : 

Et pour un soufflet qui ne se battrait pas, 
Alamort fait courir pour Phonneur des efats., 

At length it was asserted that the so-called 
honor of the state was compromised, if we 
did not go to war. " I acknowledge it not/' 
said I to the ministers, " except when it is sup- 
ported by powerful means : those of France 
never were so strong as at present ; her 
finances are in the best possible state, in con- 
sequence of twenty years of peace. We have 
had scarcely ten since the treaty of Westpha- 
lia ; that is to say, for a period of near eighty 
years. Her administration is wise/' I would 
not roundly declare that our's was not, but I 
hinted as much. " What have we to do with m 
a war so foreign to the Germanic body, which 
will make this reflection, and send us no as- 
sistance ? The Russians are too distant to af- 
ford any ; and before they arrive the empire 
and Italy will be overrun. Recollect the ver- 
satile conduct of England in my better days : 



PRINCE EUGENE. 219 

she is ever ready to repeat it. A mercantile po- 
licy is always to be beard at the doors of her 
parliament. The Englishman, just, noble, 
upright, and generous, on his private account, 
is the contrary in behalf of his country. "Tis 
a land of contradiction, whose constitution 
the ocean alone supports; as bad faith in 
speeches, and a desire to shine, support the 
opposition. The haughtiness and unskilful- 
ness often manifested by the emperor's envoys 
at foreign courts frequently cause them to 
slip away from him, and render it impossible 
to reckon upon any thing; and notwithstand- 
ing my conversations with Liria and Robin- 
son, I would lay a wager that Spain will de- 
clare for France, and England will remain 
neuter. " 

Good as were the reasons which I alleged 
to prove that France would be very glad to 
find a pretext for a war with us, and bad as 
were those employed to refute tbem, the lat- 
ter, nevertheless, prevailed. It was perhaps 
supposed that I should refuse the command 
of the army, which was offered me out of 
compliment; but this was a mistake, for I 



220 MEMOIRS OF 

accepted it. For my own part individually, 
I auj fond of war ; and in this I wished to 
meet the fate of Turenne, 

Before I had time to assemble the army, 
the command of which, till my arrival, was 
given to the Duke of Bevern, and while I 
was making all my arrangements with the 
council of war, what I had foreseen happened. 
On the 28th of October, the French had taken 
the fortress of Kehl, levied contributions 
throughout the whole empire, and overrun 
the Milanese. Sardinia and Spain had de- 
clared against us. In vain I represented to 
the empire till I was tired, that the aggres- 
sion of France ought to make it declare in our 
favor: three electors protested against such 
declaration, alleging that this invasion con- 
cerned only the head of the empire ; that it 
was merely a passage through for the purpose 
of attacking Austria, and that France had 
promised to restore all she might take as soon 
as th« emperor should dissolve his connexion 
with the Elector of Saxony. 



PRINCE EUGENE. 221 



1734. 

Stanislaus was obliged to fly: the Divan 
of Constantinople began to take alarm at the 
preponderance of Russia. The grand vizir, 
Hali Pacha, wrote to me: "Nalkiran is dead." 
This appellation was given to him in that 
country on account of his strength : it signi- 
fies breaker of horse- shoes. (94) " Poland has 
elected one of her great nobles. Why should 
the Czarina violate in two instances her 
treaties with her neighbors, and the liberty 
of a country, in which she is desirous of 
rendering the crown hereditary, and annul- 
ling an election ? The Sublime Porte is a 
guarantee to it, and will not suffer such a 
procedure." 

The influence of Russia and hostility to 
France having gained the ascendancy at our 
court, I could not reply to him that I was of 
the same opinion as the Sublime Porte. In 
spite of my real sentiments, I justified the 
Czarina, and among the wretched reasons 



222 MEMOIRS OF 

which I urged, I said : " That she had en- 
tered Poland with no other view than to pnt 
an end to the murders and quarrels of the dif- 
ferent factions who were tearing one another 
in pieces; that the party which had chosen 
Augustus II. in the same camp where Henry 
de Valois was formerly elected, was much 
stronger than, that of Stanislaus, too insig- 
nificant a nobleman to be a king ; and that he 
was supported only because he was father-in- 
law to the King of France; that the son of 
Augustus III. had been elected. Piast; (95) 
that he was as much so as any other ; that 
the primate had required it ; and that my 
emperor hoped that his master and himself 
should agree together for the restoration of 
peace in the North of Europe." 

All this I wrote to the Turks, in order to 
afford the Russians no occasion to fight them; 
for they always pretend to be insulted, and the 
people under their protection oppressed, to ob- 
tain a pretext for taking some fortresses. 

I arrived on the 25th of April at Heilbron. 
On the 27th I reviewed the army a few 



PRINCE EUGENE. S23 

leagues from Philipsburg. I still shed tears 
of joy, tenderness,, and gratitude,, whenever 
I recollect how I was received with repeated 
shouts of " Long live our father !" and thou- 
sands of hats thrown into the air. The old 
companions of my campaigns iri Hungary, 
Italy, Flanders, and Bavaria, crowded to 
kiss the tops of my boots ; they sur- 
rounded me, embraced my horse, and even 
pulled me down with their caresses. This 
moment was certainly the most delicious of 
my life ; but it was embittered by the reflec- 
tion that I had only thirty-five thousand men, 
that the enemy had eighty thousand, and 
announced his determination to march to 
Vienna. I conducted 'them into the lines of 
Ettlingen ; but these were calculated for one 
hundred thousand men, and I had no incli- 
nation to repeat the affair of Denain. I 
abandoned them ; but I made so many marches 
and countermarches, and abattis, and played 
off so many stratagems, that I prevented Ber- 
wick from penetrating into the interior of the 
country. He could do nothing but lay 
6iege to Philipsburg. This was what I want- 
ed., in order to gain time. His head was there 



224 MEMOIRS OF 

tarried off by a cannon-ball, eight days after 
the opening of the trenches. ( 96) I was envious 
on this occasion, and it was for the first time in 
my life. (97) I was disappointed in this plan, 
as well as in that of attacking the French iu 
their lines. I thought I had discovered a 
place badly fortified, and with a small quan- 
tity of artillery ; they had neglected it, be- 
cause it was covered by a morass which I had 
been told was passable, but which I found it 
impossible to cross; for I went myself to 
reconnoitre it : one cannot implicitly rely on 
any report. This has been my practice all my 
life ; I have found the benefit of it, as well as 
of constantly having a pencil in my pocket to 
write down in an officer's tablets the order 
which I give him to carry. 

I had received some Hessian, Hanoverian, 
and Prussian reinforcements : among whom I 
distinguished the prince royal, who appeared 
a young man of infinite promise. (98) D'Asfeld 
had surpassed himself. Never did I see any 
thing so strong ; for instance, his ditches, or 
irons des lonps, were conical, and superior to 

those of Conde at Arras : ( 99 ) it was from this 



PRINCE EUGENE. S25 

reconnoitring that I formed my opinion of 
the young prince whom I have just men- 
tioned. When I was resolved to fight, I 
never assembled a council of war ; but this 
time I was sure that every one would be of 
my opinion. I determined to cross the Rhine, 
and to re-cross it higher up to attack D'As- 
feld. For this service I had destined three 
thousand cavalry and ten thousand Swiss. 

This devil of a fellow had all his wits 
about him, and at length took Philipsburg, 
in spite of my cannonade of his camp, in which 
I rather acted the Grand Vizir of Belgrade, 
for my batteries and parapets were elevated to 
fire down upon it, and the water, besides, 
was still more terrible than the fire. I relied 
more upon the effect of the one than the other. 
But what a nation! caDable of every thinff. 
Richelieu, v. hom I had known a Sybarite, so 
delicate and voluptuous, the young courtiers, 
the Durases, and the La Vallieres, were me- 
tamorphosed. They only want a leader. 
D'Asfeld was a rigid disciplinarian, and set a 
good example; and before him Berwick held 
them awe, They threw up the trenches in 

e 



$%6 MEMOIRS OF 

boats, and endured every hardship with 
unequalled patience. I never had any, for 
ray part, under mental sufferings. The first 
that had attacked the other would have been 
beaten, and had that been my lot, the French 
might have gone, to Vienna, for there was no 
fortified place on the way, or upon the flanks: 
and the Elector of Bavaria, who had subject 
of complaint, only waited for this to declare 
against Austria, whose haughtiness or awk- 
wardness gained her friends no where. We 
should hive lost the few we had. There was 
no Sobieski to save the capital ; I should have 
retired within the lines which I constructed, 
as has been seen in 1705 ; but meanwhile Te 
Deum would have been sung at Versailles, 
and in the chapel of some of my enemies at 
Vienna. People there at length became 
sensible of the justice of my reasons against 
the war, for they then perceived the inferio- 
rity of our means, with which the barkers 
and firebrands of society cannot be ac- 
quainted. 

Philipsburg being taken, I retired to my 
old camp at Bruchsal. D'Asfeld would have 



PRINCE EUGENE. 227 

aid siege to Mentz, but this intention I 
obliged him to relinquish, for I hastened 1o 
cover that place. My marches, to prevent the 
French from, penetrating into Swabia by the 
Black Forest, have, *in my opinion, been suf- 
ficiently extolled. I covered Wiirtemberr, 
and they found me every where except in t! e 
field of battle : for really I could not fight. 
More fatigued than we, but able to recruit 
themselves whenever they pleased, they enter- 
ed into winter quarters; and I, innocent in 
my own eyes, deserving neither the praise nor 
the censure with which I have been honored, 
satisfied with a kind of petty passive glory, 
set out for Vienna. 

I had left my nephew, the only remaining 
shoot of my branch of Savoy, sick at Mann- 
heim : he died of a fever, as I have been told, 
but I suspect of something else. 'Tis a pit y ; 
he possessed understanding and courage. 
Though oidy twenty years of age, he was a 
major-general, but too much of a libenine. 
I allow a man to be a little disposed that . 
way. I love a rake and detest Catos; they 
icarcely ever stand fire well : but my little 
p 2 



228 MEMOIRS OF 

Eugene was fond of bad company and bad 
friends; and these are enough to ruin any 
body. (100) 

"What have you gained, Sire/' said I to 
the emperor at the first audience, "in this 
war, which I again advise your majesty to 
terminate as speedily as possible ? After the 
loss of two battles in Italy, your troops will 
be driven from the country, as they have 
been out of Naples and Sicily. Consider that 
it is a French army, a very different sort of 
thing from mine, which is a piece of patch- 
work. We are still waiting for the contin- 
gents of five or six petty allies, who, possessing 
not a sous, sell their insignificant aid to your 
majesty, and their hearts to France. The 
great succours which Russia is sending you 
amount to no more than fourteen thousand 
men, whom she will soon recal : for after 
leading us into this war, she will (which heaven 
avert ! ) perhaps hurry you into another with 
the Turks, which I believe they are even' 
going to begin. " Charles VI. with his usual 
taciturnity, only told me to say the same thing 
to the council of conference. 



PRINCE EUGENE. 229 

I gained over all the military men to my 
opinion. I said to them : — " While the ma- 
ritime states, who are desirous of peace for 
the preservation of the balance of power in 
Europe, strive to accomplish their purpose, 
I shall collect all the force I can, since that is 
the way to put an end to the business." 

At the end of April I set off for Heilbron^ 
and took up my excellent camp at BruchsaJ, 
as I had done the year before; but the enemy 
being much stronger, I had nothing to 'do 
but to cover all the places and the country 
on this side of the Rhine. 

In order to render the possession of Philips- 
burg useless to him, I turned the course of 
three small rivers, which, instead of discharg- 
ing themselves into the Rhine, produced me 
a superb inundation from that fortress to 
Ettlingen, the lines of which thus covered 
were unassailable. 

Had I been able to leave them, having no 
longer to do with D'Asfeld, who had been 
succeeded by Coigny, I should have finished 



230 MEMOIRS OF 

my military career better than by the same 
passive kind of glory as the preceding year 
I gave it some degree of activity by taking 
Trarbach, and delivering the electorate of 
Treves. Seeing that there was nothing more 
to be done, nothing to be gained, and much 
to be lost, as I had told Charles VI. fifty 
times, I was very glad at first to be recalled to 
Vienna, though I shrewdly suspected that this 
was my last campaign. It would be difficult 
for me to express what I felt on taking leave 
of my army. It was a painful scene I assure 
you. An old soldier only can know what it 
is to bid a last farewel to such brave fellows, 
whom he has so often led to death, which I 
was desirous of meeting in so happy, speedy, 
and glorious a manner : 'tis the only favor 
God has refused me. With tears in my eyes 
I resigned the command to the Duke of 
Wiirteniberg; and on my arrival at Vienna, 
1 luckily found La Baurue, the agent sent by 
Cardinal Fleury, to makd very reasonable 
proposals. France had been rather humbled 
in Poland : her garrison of fifteen thousand 
" men .had surrendered at Dantzic, and the 
father- in-law of Louis XV. had withdrawn 



PRINCE EUGEXE. 231 

himself nobody knew whither. The Russians 
and Augustus III. triumphed, as might be 
expected; and I faking advantage of the 
desire of Charles VI. to restore the extin- 
guished House of Austria, by marrying his 
daughter, Maria Theresa, to Prince Francis 
of Lorraine, we soon came to an understand- 
ing, and the preliminaries were signed. (101) 

The day after this signature, I went to the 
emperor to congratulate him on having got 
out of such a sreape as this war, and entreated 
him to beware lest Russia should involve him 
in another with the Turks. I said to him: 
"In proportion as one grows old, Sire, one 
venules to speak the truth with greater 
boldness. Before we begin we ought to ask 
ourselves what we mean to do, what we are 
able to do? You neither want, nor are you 
able, to take Widdin and Nissa, but you may 
lose Belgrade. The Bosruacs and the Servi- 
ans, and the best of the Asiatics, will be against 
you Against the Russians there will be only 
Tartars, Arnauts, Christians, Greeks of the 
right bank of the Dniester, who, being sepa- 
rated from them by deserts, will do them no 



232 MEMOIRS OF 

great injury. They may do you harm if they 
prove victorious. Part of your subjects are 
of their religion. Animosities will arise be- 
tween your two courts, and ill-humour and 
distrust will prevail among the commanders 
of your two imperial armies. 

" You have nobody to run about, as I did 
when young, to all the courts to prevent the 
coalition from falling to pieces. The Ger- 
manic body is won by the gold or the seduc- 
tive influence of France. Make an enumera- 
tion of the inhabitants of your hereditary do- 
minions, that every district may be obliged to 
keep its regiment continually complete. For 
the interest of the Hungarians, and your own, 
prevent them from revolting, by making them 
pay regular taxes, and furnish a certain num- 
ber of recruits every year. You have no 
money, but by far too many civil servants ; 
have soldiers instead of counsellors. 

et Purchase the King of Sardinia, Sire, that 
he may preserve Lornbardy for you, and the 
maritime powers, that they may preserve 
the Low Countries ; that is to say, give them, 



PRINCE EUGENE. 233 

if necessary, one half of the revenues, that 
you may receive the other without expence. 
and prevent France from gaining such large 
acquisitions. Since your majesty has lost Phi- 
lipsburg, make Lintz a fortress ; and secure, 
by force or other means, the Elector of Ba- 
varia, if Franc* would attack you; and the 
Elector of Saxony, in like manner, if the 
King of Prussia, who is perceptibly aggran- 
dizing himself, gained by Cardinal de Fleurv, 
should threaten Bohemia. Care not for 
the Turks, and I promise your majesty a glo- 
rious reign, from the tranquillity which you 
will insure to your dominions. " Such was mv 
wish for this emperor. 

It belongs to history to judge whether I 
have finished well or ill. I know that since 
the year 1717, consequently for these eighteen 
years, I have fought no battles, but this was 
for want of men, money, allies, and influence 
at court (with pain I acknowledge it) ; aud 
at length I caused peace to be restored to Eu- 
rope, after two tolerable campaigns, in which, 
if I have not acquired honor, I have at least 
nothing to reproach myself with. 



£34 MEMOIRS OF 

It is said that during these two last cam- 
paigns, Guido Stahrenberg, who was natu- 
rally of his cousin Gundacker's partyr cla- 
mored a good deal against me. This reminds 
me of what Villars said to me at Rastadt: 
le Our enemies are not in the field. Your's 
are at Vienna, and mine at Versailles/ ' What 
is not a little diverting, is, that this animosity 
is asserted to have originated in a foolish trick 
which is not at all like me, and which would 
have betrayed either insolence or bad taste. 
I had besides long given up the habit of 
laughing, and had even relinquished my little 
French peculiarities, in order to succeed the 
better at the gravest court in the world. 
Here is this palty anecdote as I have heard it 
related. In my first campaign in Italy, on 
the emperor's birth-day, when I gave a grand 
dinner to all my generals, I am said to have 
directed crackers to be laid under Stahrenberg^s 
chair, and at the moment when he was raising 
his glass to his lips to drink the emperor's 
health, the trumpets and other instruments 
which accompanied it gave the signal for the 
explosion. The company thought it was a 
mine ; and all ran away excepting the person 



PRINCE EUGENE. 235 

under whom was this little volcano. He 
finished his glass, and calmly set it down 
again on the table. Guido, enraged, it is 
said, at this trial of his courage, never for- 
gave me for it. What occasion could I have 
to doubt it? We have known each other ever 
since the siege of Vienna, when he was in 
the city as captain and adjutant to his cousin 
Rudiger. He is six years older than myself, 
and has always displayed the greatest talents, 
and the most exemplary valor, to which I 
willingly do justice. I scarcely ever see him, 
and as I imagine he possesses at present no 
more influence than T have, perhaps we are 
friends. Old generals who have been ene- 
mies to one another, are like women whose 
animosities subside at a certain age, because 
they cease to be of any sex. 

Of all the ministers, Zinzendorf was the 
man to whose conversation I was most partial. 
ts I will wager," said I to him, " that your 
Excellency will be of my opinion. We want 
no political sentences : the aspect of Europe 
changes like that of a plain or a mountain, 
by the accidents of light. People say, such a 



236 MEMOIRS OF 

kingdom is the natural enemy of another. 
No such thing; if they are contiguous,, the 
one should strive to secure the friendship, if 
not the alliance, of the other, for its defence 
against some more distant power. Why, after 
the peace of Rastadt, did we not unite cordi- 
ally .with France ? The party hostile to her in 
England had been crushed ; and we should 
have saved many millions of money and thou- 
sands of lives. When one cannot give law, 
one ought to think only how to avoid receiv- 
ing it. But what is it that is called court- 
policy, reasons of state ? What but the personal 
interest either of the ambition or revenge of 
the person in favor ? This last motive, Count, 
has, I think, upon examining myself for in- 
stance, had some influence upon me as well as 
the first ; and a desire of power and wealth 
gave a bias to Marlborough. 5 ' 

lt Which governments do you think the 
best?" said Zinzendorf to me. " You will 
take me for a tyrant/' I replied, " when I tell 
you a military government. Monsters are 
rare: why should the seven or eight thrones of 
Europe be just at this moment filled by such ? 



PRINCE EUGENE. 237 

The monster king would be unjust and cruel 
only to his friends and those about him; but 
he would not be so to the country-gentleman,, 
to the citizen, to the peasant, whom he would 
govern by military laws, which are the clearest 
and most prompt of any. Your Excellency 
is an exception. But consider what I am 
going to have the honor to observe to you. 
The soldier is so weary of being cruel during 
war, that he ceases to be so in time of peace. 
I wish that every prime minister who decides 
between them had been in the service, that he 
might know what it is. He would consent to 
arbitrations, as in a law-suit, mediations, mo- 
derations, before he would determine to spill 
so much blood/' " I confess/' said Zinzen- 
dorf, ce that the cardinals who have been 
ministers have caused the shedding of a great 
deal, our good friend Fleury excepted, who 
has no inclination that way. I think it is 
ignorance, levity, which is always cruel like 
infancy, that turn the scale in our councils in 
favor of war, more frequently than you brave 
men, who dread it for the sake of others, wish 
it for your own, and at the same time prevent 
or defer it as much as lies in your power. " 



238 MEMOIRS OF 

The other day the emperor took me out a 
hunting with him, a thing without example 
in the Spanish- Ausf< an etiquette, which I 
find no fault with, because it is necessary for 
the sovereign to keep up his dignity in regard 
to the great, that the iatter may keep up 
theirs in respect to the lower classes, and thus 
form as it were a cascade of consideration. 
Here is nearly what I said to him in the car- 
riage. " If your majesty were desirous of 
going to war again, I see no great generals to 
command your armies. You must wait till 
they arise. Conigseg is a courtier, and Nei- 
perg a wit rather than a general. Khevenhuller 
is the best of the three. The first is loved 
and esteemed ; the second is more amiable, 
because he is more piquant : he is feared on 
account of his highly diverting sarcasms and 
sallies; but he stands fire with admirable 
coolness. The third is more capable of di- 
recting the marches, the encampments, the 
organization and the movement of troops. 
Hildburghausen has courage, but little judg- 
ment. As he has married my niece, people 
imagine that I have undertaken the office 
*f his instructor. They do both of us to© 



PRINCE EUGENE. 239 

much honor. He is called the white Eugene, 
because he is as fair as I am dark. I wish 
the Duke of Lorraine, jour majesty's son- 
in-law, and his brother, Prince Charles (the 
one twenty- six, and the other twenty -two 
years of age), bestowed more application on 
the subject. They possess genius, valor too 
I believe, and will make themselves adored, 
The second will have most talents. The 
princes of the blood, even with less merit 
than others, have superior advantages. Ap- 
pointed at an early age to the command of 
armies, they have more experience, and dare 
to be much more enterprizing. Try these 
last, Sire; perhaps you may find them 
answer. Besides, the others know no more 
of the matter than they." I had never talked 
to him so long about business. He was not 
fond of it any more than his father. It was 
always a very short audience or councils of 
conference. I like them much, because no 
one dares give an opinion for which he has 
to blush, if he would not lose the esteem 
of his neighbor, who is there obliged to give 
an account of his department. A sovereign, 
difficult of access, is not on that account 



-240 MEMOIRS OF 

beyond the reach of mean disgraceful advice, 
informations, calumnies, and prejudices. 

Now I have nearly withdrawn from pub- 
lic life. I play at piquet every evening 
at Madame de Bathiany's, with Taroca, 
Windischgratz, and Tessin, the Swedish am- 
bassador. It is rather for the sake of con- 
versation. People are more talkative when 
they do not say, Let us talk, and round a card- 
table they are more at their ease ; otherwise 
games of commerce are extinguishers of so- 
ciety. In war, I prefer games of chance. At 
my head-quarters, those who won were put 
into high spirits, and those who lost fought 
better; 'tis soon over, and time is more valu- 
able than money. I am fond of the company 
of young people; they are more pure, not 
having been corrupted by intrigue. I often 
see the commander Zinzendorf, a man of en- 
larged understanding, and good company, and 
Frederic Harrach, who adds to these qualities 
considerable talents for business. I foresee 
that he will be raised to important posts, as 
will in war Dhaun and Brown. The first 
possesses most merit; the second will have 



PRINCE EUGENE. 241 

boldness; and the last, superior talents for 
discipline and the essential details, without 
being trifling. Joseph Wenzl Lichtenstein is 
likewise a brave general, a good citizen, and 
a genuine nobleman. Seckendorf and Schmet- 
tau, with military qualities, depend rather too 
much on circumstances. 

Young Cobentzl, a man of great intelli- 
gence, often visits at Madame de Bathiany's. 
He one day said to her : te It is generally 
believed, madam, that you have married 
Prince Eugene/' '? I love him much too 
well for that/' replied she; c< I would rather 
have a bad reputation, than take away his, 
and thus abuse his age at seventy-two/' 

Kaunitz, at the same age as Cobentzl, 
without possessing so much character, such 
readiness in conversation, will have enlarged 
views. He has just, noble, and profound 
ideas. I am almost as much attached to 
Madame Strattmann as to her sister, my mis- 
tress, as she is called. 

fC If you were not religious, and I was five- 
Q 



243 MEMOIRS OF 

and-twenfy, what would be the consequence ? '! 
said I one day to Madame de Bathiany. 
" Nothing/' replied she, " things would be 
just as they are. I am religious, in the first 
place, because I love God, and because I 
believe and put my trust in him ; in the next 
place, this is a safe-guard of my peace, which 
would come to the aid of my wounded self- 
love, if I were to be forsaken ; and then, that 
I may be able to scoff at women who have 
lovers. I am religious, because I have neither 
fear, nor hope, nor desire, in this life; and 
because the £ood which I do for the poor, 
from humanity, is of benefit to my soul. I 
am religious, because the wicked fear me, 
and are disgusting to me. I am religious, 
that I may not have occasion to be continually 
watchful of my reputation ; women who, are 
not, dare not say or do any thing ; they are 
like thieves who think themselves pursued by 
the police wherever they go. But I detest 
those who assume the mask of piety, or -are 
religious only on account of the immortality 
of the soul. Were mine to perish with me, 
I would nevertheless -endeavour to be virtu- 
ous as I do at present. It is not so much for 



PRINCE EUGENE. 245 

fear of God, as out of gratitude for his favors,, 
and lo^e to him, that I am religious, without 
publicly proclaiming it like those ladies who 
make a trade of the thing to please the court, 
rather than to please heaven." 

I have been happy in this life, and I wish 
to be so in the other. There are old dragoons 
who will pray to heaven for me, and I have 
more faith in their prayers, than in those of 
all the old women of the court and of the 
city clergy. The fine music, whether simple 
or more obstreperous, of the divine service, 
delights me. The one has something religi- 
ous, which awes the soul ; the other reminds 
me, by the flourishes of trumpets and kettle- 
drums, which so often led my soldiers to 
victory, of the God of hosts who has blessed 
our arms. I have scarcely had time to sin ; 
but I have set a bad example, perhaps, with- 
out knowing it, by my negligence of the forms 
of religion, in which I have, however, inva- 
riably believed. I have sometimes spoken 
evil of people, but only when I thought myself 
obliged to do so ; and have said : " Such an 
one is a coward, and such an one a scoundrel. " 
I have sometimes given way to passion ; but 



24* Mi of 

who could help swearing to see a general or a 
^er.t that Id not do their duty, or an 
adjutant ^ho did not understand one? I have 
been too caj i a sold lived like a 

philosopher. I *Msh to die as a christian. I 
: like swa_ either in war or in re- 

ligion, and haps from ha? iog seen ri- 

diculous ir like those of the French- 

of whom I hive spoken on the one hand, 
rotriea on ll I have 

always kept aloof from bo:L I have 

so often beheld death near at hand, that I had 
become familiar with him. But now it is no 
same thins:. Then I sought him, 
now I wait for him ; and meanwhile I live in 
peace. I look upon the past as a pleasing 
dream. y n gala dajs, 

etheat. there is m Italian opera, 

. :, or a fine ballet. If we had 

a Frecch company, I v ; j to see AthaHc, 

I am delighted with 

the eloquence c rda- 

loue inspires me with Ion fills 

me with he * were born in the same 

and I knew him on his entrance into the 

_ — 2 - .e man. 

I saw them 



PRIXCE EUGENE. 245 

also in my youth ; and Marlborough and I 
paid the latter all possible honors when we 
took Cambrai. I have forgotten the epigrams 
of Rousseau, and even his ode for me: but I 
read hi? psalms and hymns over and over 
again. I still retain mv memory, as may be 
seen ; and I think I have forgotten nothing 
except my enemies in this country, whom I 
forgive with all my heart. A foreigner, and 
successful ! — This was too much for them. 
My health is very good, considering my age 
of seventy-two Tears, the fatigues of I know- 
not how many campaigns, and the effects of I 
can't tell how many wounds. The Chevalier 
Carelli, my physician and friend, furnishes me 
with a sure remedy for curing as he says the 
radical humidity, which he thinks somewhat 
wasted. I have yet mauy things to do for 
the embellishment of my gardens and palace ; 
for instance, I mean to buy all the ground 
in front of that in which I live, and at which 
I have employed fifteen hundred workmen 
(because it was a time of dearth, and this was 
beneficial to the city of Vienna}, to form a 
fine square, with a splendid fountain in the 
middle. If I should live a little longer, ( 10 
shall not fail to write down whatever I recol- 
lect, and what comes into mv head, which 



246 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE EUGENE. 

is still pretty strong, though, to annoy me, 
people have asserted that my faculties were 
considerably decayed. It was once strong 
enough to prevent me from dying of vexation, 
as my friend Prince Louis of Baden did, about 
thirty years ago. I shrugged my shoulders 
at it, and kept on my usual course. For in- 
stance, if I were to interfere in public affairs, 
I would say to the emperor : " Take all pos- 
sible precautions respecting your succession ; 
it will be involved in dreadful confusion. 
Two or three powers will lay claim to it, 
Prevent all this in your life-time. Here is an 
occasion for posting about as I did in my 
time to Munich, Berlin, London, the Hague/' 
&c. The army and artillery are neglected. 
We shall not be capable of resistance, unless 
we contrive to prevent all that is likely to 
happen ; and unless, above all things, on the 
death of Charles VI. we refuse to go to war 
with the Turks. I wish prosperity to the 
House of Austria, which will soon be that of 
Austria- Lorraine, and hope that it will ex- 
tricate itself from this embarrassment. I have 
written enough to day, and will now mount 
my horse to go and look at a lion which has 
just arrived at my menagerie^ on the road to 
Schweikelt..,,,. .,,, 



( 247 } 



NOTES. 



1685. 

(1) Page 24. The Prince of Hanover, fyc. — George 
Ernest, who on the death of Queen Anne ascended the 
British throne by the title of George I. 

1686. 

(2) Page lb* Here, Sire, is a young Savoyard — 
The address of the Prince of Baden, which is suppressed 
by the author with that modesty which is ever found to 
accompany true merit, was as follows; u Here, Sire, is a 
young Savoyard, whom I have the honor to present to 
your imperial majesty, and who bids fair to equal in 
time the greatest generals that have ever lived." 

(3) Page 26. Thirty thousand Turks — This is un- 
doubtedly one of those errors, which so easily occur in 
transcribing numbers. Other accounts state the force of 
the Turks in this sally at three thousand, which may be 
presumed correct. 

(4) Page 27. The Duke of Mantua— Ferdinand 
Charles, son of Charles III. Duke of Mantua, and Isa- 
bella Clara, daughter of Leopold, archduke of Austria. 
He was the last of his family, and after his death, ia 
1706, the emperor took possession of his dominions. 



248 NOTES. 

1687. 

(5) Page 29. Where King Louis had perished— 
In 1526, Louis, the last King of Hungary, fell at 
Mohatz with twenty-two thousand of his men, in an 
engagement with the Turks, commanded by their 
sultan, Solyman II. 

(6) Page 29. This excited the general laughter 
of the soldiers — The Duke of Mantua, says the 
Histoire du Prince Eugene, asked General Caprara 
from what place the battle might be most conveniently 
viewed. Caprara mentioned Mount Hersan, to which 
the duke repaired with all possible expedition, and never 
quitted his post till the engagement was over. This oc- 
casioned much mirth, and the soldiers gave this hill the 
name of Mirror of Mantuan Valour, which it long re- 
tained. 

(7) Page 29. The nezes of this victory to the emperor 
—-In the Turkish camp, which was abandoned with the 
artillery and all the baggage to the conquerors, they 
made a prodigious booty in jewels and money. Sixteen 
hundred elephants and camels, and an immense numbee 
of other beasts of burden, fell into their hands. Princr 
Eugene's dragoons, being the first that penetrated into 
the enemy's camp, had the picking of the spoil ; they 
could scarcely carry their knapsacks, which they filled 
with ducats. The loss of the Mussulmans, according 
to the statement of the grand vizir himself, amounted to 
thirty thousand killed and wounded; that of the im- 
perialists to less than one thousand. 

(8) Page 29. 1 reached Vienna in a very few days — 
Tie used such dispatch, says the Histoire already quoted, 
that in three days he reached Vienna, though he had near 
one hundred leagues to travel. 

(9) Page 30. History , / hope, will record the glori- 
ous conduct of Commcrci, at the battle of Hersan — This 
young prince, of the House of Lorraine, was inexpres- 
sibly brave. On this occasion he headed the volunteers. 
Observing tfyat a cornet of his regiment had lost his 
colors in the skirmish previous to the general engage- 
ment, he requested permission of the Duke of Lorra'm* 



NOTES. 249 

to take another from the enemy. The duke yielded to 
his intreaties. Commerci, perceiving a Turkish en- 
sign carrying a small standard at the end of a javelin, 
ran up to him, and when very near, fired his pistol at 
him. Having missed his aim, he threw away his pis. 
tol and drew his sword. The Turk seized this oppor- 
tunity to plunge the javelin into his side, and as he 
was endeavoring to draw it out again, the prince seized 
the weapon with his left hand, and with his right cleft 
the Turkish officer's head. He then pulled out the 
javelin, carried the standard, stained with his blood, to 
the Duke of Lorraine, and sent for his cornet, whom 
he thus coolly addressed : — " There, sir, is a standard, 
which I entrust you with. It has cost me rather 
dear, and you will do me the favor to take better care 
of it than of that which you suffered to be taken from 
you." This singular reprimand was almost as much 
admired as the action itself. Commerci recovered of 
his wound ; and the emperor being made acquainted 
with the circumstances of this achievement, wished to 
see the Turkish standard. It was of red taffeta, with 
a crescent embroidered in gold in the middle. The 
monarch ordered it to be preserved in a church, and 
the empress with her own hands made another pair of 
colors, and sent it to the prince, in the place of that 
which his company had lost. 

1688. 

(10) Page 31. Twelve thousand men killed on 
both sides — On the side of the Turks five thousand 
janissaries were killed, besides a great number of 
other troops. The imperialists had about four 
ihousand killed during the siege and in the general 
assault, and two thousand wounded. 

A few days after the taking of the town a singular 
discover;, was made. Some soldiers searching in a 
mosque, found the head of the grand vizir, Kara 
Mustapha, who commanded the Turkish army at the 
siege of Vienna, in 1683. It was enclosed in an iron 
cagej with a white shirt on one side of it, and the 



2a0 



NOTES. 



Koran on the other. The Elector of Bavaria 
thought it a suitable present for Cardinal Colonitz, 
Bishop of Raab, because the grand vizir hid 
frequently promised, when writing to the sultan, that 
he would soon send him. the head of that prelate. 
The cardinal accepted this extraordinary present, and 
allowed it to be deposited in the Arsenal of Vienna, 
together with the shirt, the Koran, and the very cord 
with which the vizir had been strangled. 

1689. 

(11) Page 32. My three superior officers were 
employed in the empire — The election of au arch- 
bishop of Cologne had embroiled the emperor with 
Louis XIV. The candidates, Cardinal Furstenberg, 
a creature of France, and Prince Joseph of Bavaria, 
having an equal number of votes, the decision, as 
usual in such cases, was referred to Pope Inno^ 
cent XI. w-ho being a declared enemy to Louis, de- 
cided in favor of the latter, though it was proved 
that he had neither attained the age prescribed, nor 
•was a canon of the church of Cologne, both indis- 
pensably necessary qualifications. To resent this 
procedure, Louis sent an army of sixty thousand men 
to the Rhine, under his son, the Dauphin, who com- 
menced his operations by taking Philipsburg. It was 
to oppose the progress of this prince that the Duke 
of Lorraine and the Elector of Bavaria were dis- 
patched with the flower of the imperial troops. 

(12) Page 32. The Duke of Savoy— Victor 
Aroedaeus was born in 1666; succeeded his father as 
Duke of Savoy in 1675. The wavering policy of 
this prince, of which the reader will find instances 
enough in this work, was perhaps less the effect of 
a naturally fickle disposition, than of the situation 
of his dominions, contiguous to those of two great 
rival potentates. As Prince Eugene emphatically 
observes, his geographical position prevented his 
being a man of honor. Though stripped at times of 
nearly all his states, yet by his alliance with Austria, 



NOTES. 25 1 

notwithstanding the marriage of his daughter with 
(he Duke of Burgundy, the grandson of Louis XtV, 
he was put into possession of the kingdom of Sicily, 
at the peace of Utrecht in 1713, but exchanged it m 
1720 for that of Sardinia. In 1730 he abdicated the 
throne in a fit of caprice, and afterwards endeavored 
but in vain to recover it from his son. He died in 
1732, aged sixty-seven. Keysler, in his travels, gives 
many interesting anecdotes of the private history of 
this monarch. 

1690. 

(13) Page 35. He is an excellent general — Ni- 
colas C.'itinat was born at Paris in 1637, and was 
bred to the bar, but losing a cause which had justice 
on its side, he renounced the profession for that of 
arms. He signalized himself in the early campaigns 
of Louis XIV. in Flanders; was gradually promoted 
to the highest rank in the army, and in 1693 he 
became a marshal of France. After his appoint- 
ment to an independent command he was generally 
successful, till, during the war of the Spanish succes- 
sion, he was sent to oppose Prince Eugene, who in 
this work pays a just tribute to his military talents 
and experience. In 1705 the king would have 
created him a chevalier, but he refused that honor. 
The latter years of his life were passed in retirement, 
at his estate at St. Gratien, where he died in 1712, 
aged seventy-four. The Duke de St. Simon gives in 
his memoirs the following character of this general. 
" I have so often spoken of Marshal Catiirat, of his 
virtues, of his prudence, of his modesty, of his disinter- 
estedness, of the superiority of his sentiments, of his 
great military talents, that I have here only to men- 
tion his death at a very advanced age, without hav- 
ing ever been married or acquired any wealth, at his 
smnll seat at St. Gratien, near St. Denis, to which he 
had retired. At this place, which he never left for 
some years, he would scarcely see any body. He 
there reminded you, by his simplicity, frugality, con- 



252 NOTES. 

tempt of the world, peace of mind, and uniformity 
of conduct, of iho?e great men, who after well earn- 
ed triumphs cheerfully returned to the plough^ still 
animated by love of their country, but insensible to 
the ingratitude of Rome. Catinat improved his phi- 
losophy by fervent piety ; he possessed genius, saga- 
city, and judgment. ; In his dress, equipages, furniture, 
house, and every thing else, prevailed the greatest 
simplicity, which likewise distinguished his appearance 
and manners. He was tall, thin, had a pensive air, 
and tine intelligent eyes. He deplored the egregious 
errors which he saw committed after his time, the 
extinction of all emulation, the luxury, emptiness, 
ignorance, the confusion of ranks, and the inquisition 
established instead of the police. lie perceived all 
the symptoms of destruction, and said that nothing 
less than an overwhelming convulsion could restore 
order in the kingdom." Catinat died near eighty 
years before the accomplishment of this remarkable 
prediction. 

(14) Page 36. 7 did not chuse to remind my dear 
cousin of his presumption — It cost him three thousand 
four hundred men killed, one thousand five hundred 
wounded, and two thousand prisoners, besides the 
loss of his artillery and equipages. 

(15) Page 36. The Duke oj Mantua, who had 
formed new connections — This prince, instead of 
standing neuter as he had engaged, was so much in 
the French interest, that he kept up a force of six 
thousand men to repel the imperialists, in case they 
should approach his dominions. Eugene, whose 
measures were always marked wilh decision, entered 
the duchy of Mantua, and raised contributions as in 
an enemy's country. 

1691. 

(16) Page 37. Praised the siege — The circum- 
stances that led to the raising of the siege of Coni, as 
jelated in the Histoire du Prince Eugene, together 
•with the preliminary observations, may afford an use- 



NOTES. 253 

ful lesson to the military officer. It was a maxim with 
the prince, that a general before he takes the field ought 
to be thoroughly acquainted with the characters of the 
enemy's commanders. He was rather reserved than 
talkative ; but when he had taken a prisoner, or happen- 
ed to be in company with any foreigner, he asked wilh 
great address question after question concerning the force 
of their respective countries, the discipline of the troops, 
and in particular, the genius and talents of the officers 
■who commanded them. These enquiries, together with 
an excellent memory, had already made him familiar 
with the good, and bad qualities of every general in 
Europe; and in the sequel, there was not one among the 
Turks with whose character he was not better acquaint- 
ed than the sultan who employed him. Besides this, it 
was his opinion that stratagems and valor shou'd go hand 
in hand in war. This maxim he learned from the 
ancients, and he sometimes carried it to excess. 

Be this as it may, Prince Eugene, on being informed 
that the Marquis dc Bulonde was left commander-in- 
chief of the besieging army, assured the Duke of Savoy 
that he would deliver Coni. Knowing that Bulonde was 
a man of mean abilities, extremely credulous, and easily 
alarmed by the most trifling matter, he contrived a stra- 
tagem which was crowned with complete success. He 
Wrote a letter to the Marquis de Rovere, governor of 
Coni, stating that he was coming with a force to his re- 
lief, and hoped the next day to attack the besiegers hi 
their lines; begging him to make the necessary dispo- 
sitions on his part for a general sortie with the garrison 
while he should be engaged with the en«my. This letter 
was given to a peasant, with directions to carry it with 
all possible dispatch to the governor. The man, [as the 
prince had foreseen, was seized by a party of the enemy's 
scouts; the letter was found in his pocket, and he was 
conducted to M. de Bulonde. That officer had pre- 
viously received an express from Catinat, to inform him 
that Prince Eugene was marching from Mondovi with four 
thousand cavalry and six thousand militia, to compel, him 
to raise the siege, and to desire him not to give himself 
the least uneasiness on that head> because he would 



254 NOTES. 

certainly be joined by the Marquis de St. Silvestre, with 
a reinforcement of two thousand five hundred horse, 
before the prince had proceeded half way. For the rest 
he ordered him not to stir from his camp, assuring him 
that if he did he should be responsible for what might 
happen. All this was not sufficient to dispel the appre- 
hensions excited by the letter of the prince. So great 
were the fears of Bulonde, that he could not give his 
orders without stammering. Every oue who beheld the. 
embarrassment expressed in his countenance expected 
him to commit some egregious blunder. It was not lon^ 
before he ordered the baggage to be packed, and scarcely 
had the army struck the tents when he took to his heels, 
leaving behind his artillery, ammunition, and part of his 
baggage, of which the garrison took possession when he 
was gone. The sick and wounded, whdm he also 
abandoned, were put to the sword. 

1692. 

(17) Page 41. The Order of the Golden Fleece was 
sent to me — This honor was conferred on the prince by 
the King of Spain, who at the same time commissioned 
him to deliver the insignia of the order to his friend and 
companion in arms. Prince Louis of Baden. 

1693. 

(18) Page 42. Let us too treat the Germans a la tart are 
—The victory was complete on the part of the French, 
but they sullied it by the cruel revenge which they took. 
The allies had five thousand five hundred men killed iu 
the field of battle, two thousand taken prisoners, and 
upwards of two thousand wounded. They lost part of 
their artillery, together with a great number of standards 
and colours. 

1696. 

(19) Page 47. Sent me a proposal to pass into his 
service — The offers made by the king on this occasion 



NOTES. 255 

were very advantageous, comprehending (he rank of 
Marshal of France, (he government of Champagne, 
which the prince's father had enjoyed, and a yearly pen- 
sion of two thousand pistoles. Eugene however re- 
jected them with disdain, replying that he was a field - 
marshal in the emperor's army, a dignity which he 
considered as at least equal to that of Marshal of 
France; and that as to pensions, they had no tempta- 
tion for him, as he thought himself quite rich enough, as 
long as he could find opportunities to evince his fidelity 
and zeal in the service of the monarch, to whom he had 
attached himself. 

1697. 

(20) Page 47. The grand signor^ Kara Musfapha 
—This prince, brought up among the women and eu- 
nuchs of the seraglio, was totally ignorant of military 
affairs, but so vain and obstinate that he resolved to 
assume in person the command of his armies. A 
French engineer and Count Tekeli made some amends 
for his ignorance. Having gained some advantages over 
the imperialists in the preceding campaigns, and taken 
from them the important town of Belgrade, he now 
advanced, elated with his success, towards Hungary, 
Like the projectors of the boasted Spanish Armada, 
destined for the conquest of the British island?, lie hau 
made so sure of victory, that he had provided a pro- 
digious quantity of fetters and hand-cuffs, to secure, as 
he said, all the officers of the imperial army, from the 
general to the subalterns, whom he reckoned upon 
making slaves, as well as all the private soldiers. This 
terrible apparatus filled a great number of waggon-', 
which accompanied the baggage ; but, as will be seen in 
the sequel, his sublime highness had as little occasion for 
it as the Spaniards, on the occasion alluded to above. 

(21) Page 50. On the opposite side of the river — 
The booty taken by the conquerors was immense. Alt 
the tents of the Turkish army, which were left standing, 
nine thousand waggons laden with baggage, provisions, 
and the fetters mentioned in the preceding note; six 



£56 NOTES. 

thousand camels; seven thousand horses; one hundred 
pieces of large cannon, and sixty of field artillery ; seven 
horse-tails, and four hundred and twenty. three other 
standards fell into the hands of the imperialists. The loss 
of the latter almost borders on the marvellous, consider, 
ing that they had to attack a numerous army, well en- 
trenched, and very strong in artillery. According to the 
Histoire du Prince Eugene they had four hundred and 
thirty men killed, and about one thousand six hundred 
"wounded. The Prince himself states his loss at one 
thousand, in which number he probably reckons only 
those who either fell in the engagement, or afterwards 
died of their wounds. 

(2*2) Page 50. 1 sent Van dement — From the interest- 
ing dispatches in which the Prince transmitted the 
account of his victory to the emperor, and in which 
he terms himself, with his characteristic modesty, 
the ' unworthy commander cf so brave an army, 
it appears that there must be a mistake here, and that 
Count Dietrichstein was the bearer of the glorious 
intelligence. 

(23) Page 50. Burned Seraio-— This was a considera- 
ble tow n of Bosnia, celebrated for its trade and manu- 
factures, containing near six thousand houses, one 
hundred and fifty mosques, and above thirty thousand 
inhabitants. The cause of its destruction was as follows. 
Prince Eugene, wishing to sound the dispositions of the 
inhabitants, sent officers at different times for that purpose, 
but they returned without being able to speak with any 
person. A cornet of Caprara's regiment offered to un- 
dertake the commission, promising to acquit himself 
better than the others had done, and a trumpeter was 
ordered to accompany him. Being a man of great 
courage, he advanced to the gates of the town, which he 
found open and unguarded. He entered the first street, 
and finding not a single living creature in it, proceeded to 
another, and ordered the trumpet to sound. The noise 
drew many of the inhabitants out of their houses : the 
officer held up at a distance a paper, containing assurances 
from Prince Eugene, that he would do them no inju- 
ry, if they would receive the imperialists into their town. 



NOTES. 257 

I'he only answer returned was a discharge of musketry, 
which killed the trumpeter on the spot, and wounded the 
cornet so severely that he had great difficulty to crawl 
back to the camp. The Prince was so exasperated that 
he protested he would burn the town, and immediately 
marched to execute this design. It was found that the 
Turks had withdrawn from it to the castle, built upon an 
eminence and difficult of access. Eugene reflecting on 
the miseries in which the accomplishment of his purpose 
would involve so many innocent victims, relented from 
his purpose, forbade his soldiers upon pain of death to 
set fire to any of the houses, but to gratify them, allowed 
them to plunder the place. The Turks having had time 
to remove their most valuable effects to the castle, the men, 
found very little booty, and, probably from disappoint- 
ment and revenge, diso&eyed the general's orders, for the 
town was set on fire, though by what means could never 
be discovered.. All exertions to extinguish the flames 
proved fruitless. The conflagration, favored by a high 
wind, destroyed the greater part of the houses and every 
one of the mosques, and lasted all night and part of the 
next day. 

(24) Page 51. When Schlick— Count Schlick, captain 
of the Imperial life-guards. 

J?00. 

(-25) Page 56. Influenced as much by justice as 
by consanguinity — Louis William, Margrave of Baden, 
general of the imperial troops, was the son of Ferdinand 
Maximilian of Baden and Louisa, daughter of Thomas 
Prince of Carignan ; and consequently a near relation of 
Prince Eugene. He died commander in chief of the im- 
perial army on the Rhine, at his palace at Rastadt, in 
January, 1707, aged 52. 

(26) Page 56. Louis Hector de Villars, whose father 
was of low extraction, raised himself to the rank of 
duke and peer of France, and grandee of Spain. He was 
born in 1651, commenced his military career in 1671, and 
having distinguished himself on various occasions was 
made marechal-de-camp in 1690. In 1699 he was lent as 

£ 



2^8 NOTES. 

envoy extraordinary to Vienna, where he remained till 
the breaking out of the war in 1702, when the French 
king gave him the command of one of his armies in Ger- 
many. He gained in the same year the victory of Fried, 
lingen, and in 1704 was sent to quell the insurrection 
which had broken out in the Cevennes. In 1705 he was 
elevated to the ducal dignity, and in the campaigns of the 
following year was commander in chief of the French 
armies in Germany. He was afterwards sent to Flanders, 
where he was defeated and wounded at Malplaquet in 
1709, but triumphed over the allies in 1712 at Denain 
and Marchienne. His success in the following year is 
recorded in this work, as is als© the share which he had 
in 1714 in concluding the peace of Rastadt. Villars 
continued to be a particular object of royal favor after 
the accession of Louis XV. In October, 1733, that 
monarch conferred on him the title of marshal general of 
his camps and armies ; in the same month he asssumed 
the command of the French troops in Italy, and in con- 
junction with the King of Sardinia, subdued the Milanese. 
The fatigues of this campaign, at his advanced age, im- 
paired his health, and in June, 1734, he died at Turin, in 
his 84th year. The character of Villars by the Dukecle 
St. Simon is probably overcharged : his avarice, vanity, 
and self-conceit were undoubtedly very great ; but it is 
scarcely possible that so accurate an observer as Prince 
Eugene could have been mistaken in regard to his military 
talents. 

(57) Page 57. I could not prevail upon him to relax 
in this respect.- — In the letters written by Villars to the 
king during this embassy, we find the following anecdote, 
which proves the animosity entertained by the King of the 
Romans, who afterwards ascended the imperial throne 
by the name of Joseph I. not only against Villars himself, 
but against the whole nation to which he belonged. 
" The prince being out riding, and having his drawn 
sword in his hand, happened to cast his eyes upon me. 
Being just then under the queen's windows, and conver- 
sing' with her, he trembled with rage, and said to the 
queen, as I am credibly informed : 4 If I durst I would 



NOTES. 259 

begin with that Frenchman,' and then rode off at full 
gallop, as if for fear of yielding to the temptation." 

(28) Page 57. We all three parted very good 
friends — Villars, in his memoirs, says, t]j at every body- 
shunned him except Prince Eugene of Savoy, the Prince 
of Baden, and some other persons of distinction, too far 
above suspicion to concern themselves about the opinion 
of the courtiers. In another place he observes that at 
his departure from Vienna, Prince Eugene was pleased to 
give him public marks of esteem and friendship. Some 
of the courtiers, he continues, were astonished to observe 
such cordiality between persons who were soon likely to 
be opposed to one another in the field. "Gentlemen," 
said Villars, " I rely upon the kindness of Prince 
Eugene, and am confident thathe wishes me well, while on 
my part I wish him all the prosperity he deserves, ex- 
cept that which would be contrary to the interests of the 
king, my master. But shall I tell you where the real 
enemies of Prince Eugene are to be found ? His are at 
Vienna, and mine at Versailles." 

(29) Page 58. On the throne of Constantinople — 
A letter written to Louis XIV. in 1688, by Villars, at 
that time envoy to the court of Bavaria, contains the 
following statement relative to this subject, and throws 
additional light on the character and credulity of the 
Emperor Leopold. — u The elector said to me : you 
ought to know the emperor as well as I do, to be able 
to give credit to the reasons which have prevented him 
from making peace with the Turks, but as you have been 
at Vienna, you will be the less surprised at them. There 
are monks who have foretold that the empress should 
become pregnant, that she should be delivered of twins, 
and that at the same time the Turkish empire should be 
destroyed, and one of these twins should reign at Con- 
stantinople. The pregnancy of the empress appeared 
about the time that we took Belgrade ; the emperor 
believed the rest of the prophecy, and would not at 
that time hear a word about peace. This, Sire, was told 
me by the Elector, and I have no doubt of the truth of 
his information." 

Ib another letter to the king, written during his 

r2 



260 



NOTES. 



embassy to the court of Vienna, in October, 1700, V li- 
ters says : — " Count Walstein, one of the ministers, 
who places the greatest faith in predictions, told the Ve- 
netian ambassador, from whom I had it, that the empe- 
ror has a particular cabinet council, in which he takes 
surprising resolutions, insinuating that he is assisted by 
supernatural intelligences, which inspire him with greater 
fortitude and hope than they have themselves. — The rea- 
son of this," adds Villars, " is, b a cause the Abbe Joa- 
chim having prophesied things concerning the emperor, 
from his childhood, which have proved correct, this 
prince, who was brought up for the church, pays greater 
regard to all this stuff than his naturally good under- 
standing would allow one to suppose he could." 

(30) Page 59. We have no Clements or Ravaillacs. — 
Jaques Clement, a Jacobine monk, assassinated Henry 
III. king of France, in 1558. His successor, Henry 
JV. in 1610, experienced the same fate, being stabbed by 
Francois Ravaiilac, another religious fanatic. 

1701. 

(31) Page 64. The ignorant and presumptuous ViU 
Uroy — Villeroy, says the Duke de St. Simon, was a man 
exactly cut out to preside at a ball, to be the judge at a 
tournament, and, if he had had a voice, to sing the parts 
of kings and heroes at the opera, also well calculated to 
set the fashions ; beyond this he was fit for nothing at 
all. — As to his capacity for business, continues the same 
writer, Torcy has told me that in council, the king would 
frequently at first endeavour to explain to Villeroy the 
subject before them ; that the marshal gave such absurd 
opinions, or said and asked such silly things, that the 
king blushed, and looked down with evident embarrass- 
ment ; and that his majeaty never could accustom himself 
to Villeroy's ignorance. 

(32) Page 64. My cousin had the goodness to apprize 
me of this — We always suspected, says Villars in his 
Memoirs, a secret understanding between Prince Eugene 
and the Duke. Such was our distrust of the latter, that 
«ot only the orders for marches and encampments, but 



NOTES. 261 

also the most trivial operations, were concealed from him ; 
nay, even one day he found himself surrounded with 
ditches and redoubts, which he had not commanded to 
be made, but the object of which had on the contrary 
been disguised from him. 

(33) Page 66. Notwithstanding the loss of the com- 
Lined army — The number of killed amounted to near three 
thousand, and that of the wounded was very considera- 
ble. Of the imperialists not more than forty men were 
slain, as they were covered from the enemy's fire by 
their entrenchments. 

1702. 

(34) Page 70. The rest of the story ^ which is perfectly 
well known — This attempt on Cremona is thus related 
by the Duke de St. Simon : — 

Prince Eugene obliged Villeroy to winter in the midst 
of the Milanese, and there kept him very closely cooped 
up, while he himself took quarters quite at his ease, and 
greatly annoyed ours. In this advantageous situation 
he conceived the design of surprising the centre of the 
French quarters, hoping by this stroke, which would place 
him in the midst of their army and country, to disperse 
the one, make himself master of the other, and thus pave 
the way to the conquest of Milan, and the few fortified 
towns in that country. Cremona was the centre: it 
had a Spanish governor and a very strong garrison ; 
some additional troops had entered, on the conclusion of 
the campaign, with Crenan, as commander-in-chief. Pras- 
lin commanded the cavalry as brigadier, and Fimarcon 
the dragoons. Towards the end of January, Revel, 
first lieutenant-general, having arrived at Cremona, su- 
perseded Crenan in the chief command. He received or- 
ders from Villeroy, who was making a tour of his quar- 
ters, to send a strong detachment to Parma, which was 
demanded by its duke for its safety, and which there was 
afterwards reason to suspect he had asked for in concert 
with Priuce Eugene, for the purpose of weakening the 
garrison of Cremona as much as possible. Revel, on 
hearing of the different movements of the enemy, like a 



262 NOTES. 

prudent officer, merely kept the detachment in readiness 
without sending it away. Villcroy having finished his 
tour, arrived on the 31st of January, early in the day 
at Cremona; and having approved of Revel's reasons for 
detaining the detachment, hp supped with a numerous 
company. He was observed to be extremely thoughtful 
and absent, and retired at a very early hour. 

Prince Eugene having been informed that there was at 
Cremona an ancient sewer, which terminated at some 
distance beyond the walls, and passed under the house of 
a priest ; that this sewer had recently been cleansed ; that 
a very small quantity of water ran through it, and that 
the city had once before .been surprised by means of it ; 
directed its mouth to be secretly reconnoitered. He 
bribed the priest who lived near a gate of the city, 
which was walled up and not guarded. He introduced 
into Cremona as many chosen men as possible, under the 
disguise of priests and peasants, who concealed them- 
selves in the friendly house. These provided themselves 
as secretly as possible with hatchets. All the necessary 
{^reparations being judiciously ajid quickly made, Prince 
Eugene gave a strong detachment to Prince '1 liomas de 
Vaudcmont, first lieutenant-general of his army, and the 
only son of the governor-general of the Milanese for 
the King of Spain. To him he communicated his design, 
with directions to make himself master of the tete du 
j)ont of the Po, and to hasten to his assistance when he 
should be engaged in the city. He detached five hundred 
picked men, under intelligent officers, to proceed up the 
aqueduct to the house of the priest, where the soldiers 
whom he smuggled into the place, and who were by this 
time to have reconnoitered the ramparts, posts, and 
streets of the city, Mere in waiting, and were to go with 
them to open the gate that had been walled up to the rest 
of the troops. At, the same time he marched in person, 
and in considerable force towards the same point, Thii 
plan, concerted with judgment, was executed with pre- 
cisio id the greatest secrecy and success. The first 
person that perceived any thing of the matter was Cre- 
nan's cook, who, going to the store-house at break of 
day, saw the streets full of soldiers in strange uniforms. 



NOTES. 263 

He ran back into the house, and awoke his master, but 
neither he nor the valets would believe him ; however, 
in this uncertainty, Crenau dressed himself in a moment, 
went out, and was but too soon convinced of the truth 
of the information. At the same moment, by an acci- 
dent which saved Cremona, one of the regiments happen- 
ed to be drawn up in one of the squares. Its colonel, 
D'Entragues, was a young man of high honor, assiduous 
in the duties of his profession, a brave soldier, and ar- 
dently desirous of signalizing himself. D'Entragues had 
ordered out his regiment for the purpose of exercising 
his men, at the first dawn of day. The battalions were 
already under arms and formed, when he perceived indis- 
tinctly, before it was yet light, files of infantry forming 
at the opposite end of the street in which he was. Ha 
knew from the orders issued the preceding day, that no 
regiment was to march, and that none but his was to be 
inspected. Apprehensive of some surprise, he immedi- 
ately marched up to these troops, discovered them to be 
imperialists, charged and routed them, sustained the at- 
tack of fresh forces which came up, and fought with 
such obstinacy, that he gained time for the whole city to 
be roused, and most of the troops, which, but for him, 
would have been massacred in their sleep, to seize their 
arms and assemble. 

Marshal de Villeroy, who was already dressed and 
writing in his room, heard a noise, ordered his horse, and 
sent out to learn what was the matter. He was just 
mounting, when he was informed by several messengers 
at once, that the enemy were in the city. He rode down 
the street towards the great square, which is always the 
rendezvous in case of alarm, attended only by an aid- 
de-camp and a pa^c. On turning the corner of the 
street, he fell in with a corps de garde, by which he was 
surrounded and stopped. Aware that resistance would 
be useless, he whispered to the officer, telling him who 
he was, promising him ten thousand pistoles and a regi- 
ment, besides still greater rewards from the king, if he 
would let him go. The officer was inflexible ; he replied 
that he had not served the emperor so long to betray 
him at last, and conducted the marshal to Prince Eugene. 



264 ^OTES. 

Some time after Villeroy seeing Crenan carried along a 
pri: ouer and mortally wounded, exclaimed, that he wish- 
ed himself in h?s place. 

Meanwhile Revel, on whom the chief command de- 
volved, strove to rally his men. Every street was the 
theatre of an action. Most of the troops were dispersed, 
some in corps, many scarcely armed, and others even in 
their shirts ; nevertheless they all fought with the greatest 
intrepidity, but were mostly repulsed and driven inch by 
inch to the ramparts, where they of course rallied. 
Had the enemy taken possession of these, or had they 
not left the French time to recover themselves, and to 
form there with all their forces, the interior of the city 
would never nave been able to resist them. Praslin, not 
seeing Montgon, marechai de camp, who had gone out at 
the first alarm, and judging that the business would be 
very warm, prudently retired, saying that he was se- 
verely wounded, which assertion, however, proved un- 
true. Montgon had put himself at the head of the Irish 
battalions, which wnder his command performed won- 
ders. They posted themselves in the squares, and clear- 
ed the neighboring streets, though continually engaged 
in attacking or defending themselves. Praslin bethought 
himself that the safety of Cremona, if it could be saved 
at all, depended on breaking down the bridge across the 
Po, to prevent the imperialists from receiving succours 
t\)jit way ; and this he repeated till Mahoni went to com- 
municate to Revel the id^a which had never struck him, 
and who thought the advice so good, that he sent word 
io Praslin to do whatever he thought fit. He himself at 
the same moment sent orders to withdraw the troops in 
the redoubt at the fete du jwnt. There was not a mo- 
ment to be lost. Prince Thomas de Vaudemont was 
already in sight. The troops were withdrawn, and the 
bridge broken down before his face, notwithstanding all 
the fire of his musketry to prevent the operation. It was 
how three o'clock in the afternoon ; Prince Eugene had 
gone to the town-house, to receive the oaths of the ma- 
gistrates. On leaving the place, alarmed at seeing his 
troops giving way in most quartern, and uneasy at not 
seeing the Prince of Vaudemont arrive with reinforce- 



. NOTES. 263 

ments, he went up with the Prince of Commerci into 
the steeple of the cathedral, to embrace at one view what 
was passing in every part of the city. No sooner were 
they 'here, than they saw Vauclemont with his detach- 
ment on the bank of the Po, and the bridge broken, so 
as to deprive them of his assistance. They were not 
better pleased with what they observed in the different 
quarters of the city and of the ramparts. Enraged at 
the unpromising state of his enterprize, after wanting so 
little of complete success', Prince Eugene on descending 
raved and tore his hair, and though superior in number, 
began to think of retreat. Fimarcon meanwhile per- 
formed prodigies with his dragoons, whom he had ordered 
to dismount. At the same time, Revel, who saw his 
troops overcome with hunger, fatigue, and wounds, and 
who had himself taken not a moment's rest any more 
than they ever since day-break, also thought of with- 
drawing them, and whatever else he could, into the citadel 
of Cremona, where they might at least defend themselves 
under shelter, and obtain a capitulation ; so that the hos- 
tile commanders both meditated a retreat at the same 
time. The conflict therefore slackened in most parts 
towards evening, under the mutual idea of a retreat; 
when the troops made a final effort to drive out a body 
of the enemy posted at one of the gates of the city, 
who interrupted the communication with the rampart 
where the Irish were stationed, and to keep fhe gate clear 
ci tiring the night, so that they might ^iave an opportu- 
nity of receiving assistance that way. The Irish so well 
seconded their attack at the rampart, that the. upper part 
of the gate w r as broken down 4 The enemy preserved the 
lower part standing. A pause of considerable length 
succeeded this contest. Meanwhile Revel was on the 
point of withdrawing the troops quietly into the cita- 
del, when Mahoni proposed to him to send some one to 
see how matters stood, and offered to go himself in quest 
of intelligence. It was already dark : the scouts took 
advantage of this circumstance, perceived that all was 
quiet, and that the enemy had retired. D'Entragues to 
whose valor the French owed the preservation of Cre- 
mona, did not survive this glorious day. The Spanish 



266 NOTES. 

governor was killed, with half of our troops. The Im- 
perialists lost a great number, and were foiled in an at- 
tempt, which if successful, would, at one blow, have 
terminated the war in Italy in their favor. 

In the attempt on Cremona, says the Ilistoire du 
Prince Eugene, the loss of His Highness was about one 
thousand two hundred men, killed or wounded : that of 
the enemy was not inferior; but they lost a much greater 
number of prisoners. 

(35) Page 71. Jf Creqni had cut me off from the rest 
cj my army — The temerity of the attempt to surprise 
Cremona can only be excused by the confidence of the 
author of that plan in the measures adopted to ensure 
success. This temerity will appear still more evident, 
when it is known that the Marquis do Crequi was posted 
only twelve miles from the city, with a corps of twenty- 
thousand men, with whom he could therefore come up in 
a very short time to the assistance of the garrison. 
During the conflict in the city, he was reported to be on 
hi* march, and this was probably the most powerful 
motive with Prince Eugene to evacuate the place. Cre- 
qui was actually advancing, and when he was within three 
miles of Cremona, he took it into his head to send out a 
person to obtain intelligence of what was passing in tho 
city. This person was a captain of cavalry, who hearing 
the firing, and having no desire to receive a taste of it, 
returned and told Crequi that the city was taken, that 
the whole garrison were prisoners of war; that nothing 
could then be done, as the information was perfectly 
correct, because he had it from an officer with whom ho 
pretended to have spoken. On this the credulous Cre- 
qui returned to his quarters, and left the imperialists at 
full liberty to regain theirs. Crequi fell soou afterwards 
in the battle of Luzzara. 

(36) Page 72: The able Sfc. Vend6me~ -Louis Joseph 
lie Vendome, Count de Dreyx, Duke de Mercoeur, 
«Ie Vendome, and d'Estampes, was great grand. son to 
Heury IV. of France, by Gabrielle (PEtrees, and cousin 
to Prince Eugene, by the side of his mother Laura 
Mancini, the eldest of the nieces of Cardinal Mazarine. 
He was bom in 1654, and at the period of his appoint- 
ment to the chief command in Italy was considered 



NOTES. 26? 

the ablest general in the French army. His manners and 
propensities, which have been described by some writers, 
and St. Simon in particular, as the most brutal, disgust- 
ing, and detestable, are characterized by others as 
worthy of the early ages of Greece and Rome. " An 
enemy -to pomp and luxury,'" says the author of the 
Mistoire du Prince Eugene, " he never wore any but 
plain clothes ; his equipages were extremely simple; he 
ate indiscriminately out of pewter or silver. His con- 
tempt for riches was truly surprising. If his steward 
thought fit to give him money, he made a present of it to 
the first comer, without distinction of rich or poor. He 
suffered his servants to plunder him without taking any 
notice; and one of them, who prided himself on his 
honesty, having demanded his discharge, because he could 
not bear to see the others rob him, the prince replied: — 
" If that is all, go and rob too, and let me alone !" — 
Vendome, as will be seen in the course of these memoirs, 
commanded the French army in Flanders, and experienced 
a defeat at Oudenarde in 1708. Being afterwards sent to 
Spain, he proved more successful in that country ; he 
reinstated Philip V. who had been driven from Madrid, 
and took prisoner Earl Stanhope with five thousand 
English troops. He died at Tignaros, in 1712, nearly 
in the same deserted, forlorn, and miserable condition as 
the second Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, so admirably 
described b\ Pope in his Epistle on the Use of Riches. 

(37) Page 76. Which renders the victory certain — 
The loss of both parties in this obstinate engagement 
was nearly equal, at least in slain. That of the imperia- 
lists was about two thousand; and this canuot be 
thought very great, when it is considered that they were 
repulsed in four successive attacks. 

(38) Page 76. A high idea of his prudence — The 
Duke de St. Simon speaks in very different terms of the 
King of Spain's behavior on this occasion. "The king," 
says he, u behaved every where in the hottest fire with 
the greatest composure. He surveyed the reciprocal 
attacks that took place about him on this narrow and 
broken ground, where the infantry could scarcely act, 
and the cavalry behiud it was unable to stir. He 



S6S NOTES. 

frequently smiled at the fear which he thought he per- 
ceived in persons of his retinue; and what is extraordi- 
nary, with such tried valor, he had no curiosity to go 
and see what was passing in other places. At length 
Louviile proposed to him to retire a Utile lower under 
some trees, where he would not be so conspicuous, but 
in reality because he would there be more sheltered from 
the fire. He went and remained there with the same 
composure. The two hostile generals did wonders; they 
were fired with emulation, and the presence of the King 
of Spain was a spur to Prince Eugene, which, with the 
recollection of the battle of Pavia, caused him to perform 
prodigies." 

1704. 

(39) Page 81. The victory gained by him at Spire — 
Over the Prince of Hesse on the 16th INovember, 1703; 
■which led to the fall of Landau. 

(40) Page 82. The pillage zchich I had suffered 
Marlborough to commit — In the Histoire du Prince 
Eugene, a dreadful picture is given of these ravages. — * 
Great numbers of the inhabitants were obliged to seek 
refuge in the wood*, half naked, without effects or pro- 
visions, being unable to rescue any thing from the rapa- 
city of the soldiers; mos.t of them perished of hunger, 
hardship, and want. The country was one general 
theatre of murders, carnage, excesses, and conflagration. 
The elector feeling for the distresses of his subjects, wrote 
to the Duke of Marlborough, that executions of this 
kind might be expected of Turkish barbarity, but were 
unheard of among civilized rations. His grace replied 
that they were not without parallel among nations pre- 
tending to be the most polished of any, and that the elector 
might put an end to them if he pleased by agreeing to 
an accommodation. His electoral highness, however, 
who valued himself as much on constancy in his resolu- 
tions, as on intrepidity in battle, replied once for all, 
li that since the wine was tapped it must be drunk to the 
very dregs." * 

(41) Page S3. Whisk they never acknowledge— 



NOTES. 269 

So far were they from acknowledging this signal defeat, 
and such was the mortification of Louis XIV. on ac- 
count of it, that he forbade the affair to be mentioned in 
his dominions on pain of death. This, however, did not 
prevent its being the subject of much conversation ; 
some exaggerating the loss that had been sustained, while 
by others, no better informed, it was greatly underrated. 
In the Memoirs of the Duke de St. Simon, we find not a 
syllable respecting either this engagement, or indeed the 
whole campaign of 1704. 

(4<2) Page 84. Ordered him to be Jired upon — This 
was one of those stratagems which the fertile mind oL 
Prince Eugene was perpetually suggesting, and deserves 
more particular notice Having learned by his spies that 
troops might be introduced into Brisach in the disguise of 
labourers, twelve hundred being then employed upon the 
new fortifications, he conceived the design of surprising the 
place. He was informed that the valet of the governor of 
Fribourg had permission from the commandant to visit 
Old Brisach, for the purpose of purchasing French wines 
and other articles. Eugene sent for the governor of 
Fribourg, with whom he concerted a plan for surprising 
first Old Brisach, and then New. It was agreed that on 
the day w hen the garrison was to receive its usual con- 
tributions of hay, fifty waggons should be loaded with 
it, and men and arms concealed in the middle ; that these 
waggons should be preceded by two hundred of the most 
resolute officers disguised as carters and peasants. When 
half these waggons had entered, and the other half were 
on the draw-bridge, a corps of cavalry was to slip past 
them into the place, and push on at full speed to seize the 
cannon and to invest the garrison. Besides the persons 
already mentioned, four thousand infantry and one 
hundred horse were designed for the execution of this 
plan, which was fixed for the morning of the 10th of 
November. It was day -light when the waggons reached 
the gate; but there was so thick a fog that they were 
not perceived from the ramparts. The waggons were 
examined and sounded with a sword, but nothing being 
discovered, they were allowed to enter. The pretended 
carmen, however, being too eager to get in along with 



270 NOTES. 

them, the sentinel shut the barrier, on which one of the 
officers having a hatchet in his hand, ?tnuk him with it 
upon the head and killed him. Another officer in dis- 
guise cut the chain of the half moon, and supported by 
a few others made himself master of it. While this was 
passing an overseer of the works, whose duty it was to 
count and examine the workmen, happening to be near 
the approach to the gate, perceived thirty or forty men, 
who, notwithstanding their dress, had not the look of 
peasants. His suspicion being excited, he went up to 
question one of them. It was the lieutenant- colonel of 
the regiment of Dareuth to whom he spoke. lie asked 
who he was, whence he came, and what was the, m< aning 
of so many fresh faces, which he had never yet seen at 
the works. The officer was somewhat disconcerted; the 
overseer continued his questions, and obtaining no an- 
swer, began to beat him soundly with his cane. The 
lieutenant-colonel had not patience to endure this, and 
"Without reflecting whether his revenge might not defeat 
the object of the enterprise, lie leaped into one of the 
Waggons, drew a musket out of the hay, and fired at the 
overseer, but missed him. The latter, surprised at this 
adventure, threw himself into the covered way, and af- 
terwards jumped into the ditch, where he hid himself 
behind some reeds, but not till he had been exposed to 
the fire of some of the other officers, who had also armed 
themselves. The governor, on hearing the firing, hasten- 
ed to the gate, the guard of which Hew to arms and re- 
ceived orders to raise the bridge, but it was too fate,. 
He then directed the horses in the waggon that was 
upon the bridge to be killed. This was instantly done, 
and the way being thus almost entirely stopped, the im- 
perial officers were obliged to follow one by one. The 
first six were put to the sword. Not daunted by this, 
for they were all resolute men, they mode fresh efforts to 
force a passage, but were dispatched as soon as they came 
up. While this was passing at the gate, the German of- 
ficer who had gained possession of -the half. moon, had 
received a considerable reinforcement. About two hun- 
dred of their number were sent towards two bastions, 
which, however, were so well manned, and kept up such 



NOTES. 271 

a galling fire upon the imperialists, that they were at 
length obliged to abandon the half moon and covered 
way; having lost in the attempt upwards of two hun- 
dred men, among whom were several officers of dis- 
tinction. 

1703. 

(43) Page 85. Had been reduced to the brink of 
ruin — Louis XIV. having as early as 1703 discovered 
the intrigues of this artful prince, resolved to revenge 
himself upon his troops, as he could not upon him. 
They consisted of three thousand infantry and one 
thousand five hundred cavalry, who were then in the 
French army. These he ordered Vendome to disarm and 
to make prisoners of war. He was obeyed. The 
duke loudly complained of this affront, dispatched 
couriers to Vienna, Holland, and England, with appli- 
cations for assistance, directed all the French in his do- 
minions to be apprehended by way of reprisals, and at 
length declared war against Louis. The latter, exaspe- 
rated at having been so often duped by a prince so in- 
ferior to himself in every respect, wrote him the follow- 
ing extraordinary letter : — 

Sn, 

Since religion, honour, interest, alliance, and 
your own signature, are nothing between us, I send my 
cousin, the Duke de Vendome, at the head of my armies, 
to explain my intentions to you. He will give you but 
twenty-four hours to make up your mind. 

Louis. 

To this epistle the duke deigned not to reply in writ- 
ing. He merely told the officer who brought it that his 
resolution was taken, that threats had no effect upon 
him, that he had no other answer to give, and would 
listen to no other propositions. The consequence was 
that in a short time the French reduced the whole of his 
dominions excepting Turin. 

(44) Page 86. There it was that I heard of the 



BW NOTES. 

death of the emperor — Leopold I. born in 1640. iU 
was the second son of Ferdinand III. whom he succeed- 
ed as emperor of Germany in 1658. He left two sons, 
Joseph and Charles, both of whom successively filled the 
imperial throne. That he was a prince of more bigotry 
and pride than talents is evident, from many particulars 
recorded in this work. His consort, the daughter of 
the Prince Palatine of the Rhine, appears to have been 
a highly accomplished woman. Villars, in a letter to 
Louis XIV. written during his embassy at Vienna, 
speaks of her in the following terms: — u The empress 
makes the education of her four daughters one of her 
principal duties. The eldest is perfect mistress of 
French, Spanish, Latin, and Italian, and her mind is more 
deeply imbued with science than is necessary for a 
woman. The others also have made a progress in the 
same studies according to their age, and people tell won- 
derful things of their sweet and excellent dispositions." 

(45) Page 92. Had thrown a great number of car- 
riages into the canal — Historians differ respecting the 
loss of the contending parties in this action; the Ger- 
man writers making that of the French amount to six 
thousand killed, and their own to two thousand; while 
the French exactly reverse the statement. From the 
nature of the engagement, however, it may be confident- 
ly asserted that the French suffered considerably more 
than the imperialists, though the latter lost seven pieces 
of cannon, and several standards and colours. 

1706. 

(46) Page 94. For this superb expedition — Ven- 
ddme took with him eighteen thousand foot and five 
thousand cavalry, while the force of the imperialists, 
whom he went to attack, amounted to no more than nine 
thousand infantry and three thousand horse. He had 
likewise the advantage of artillery, of which his ene- 
mies were destitute. With this superiority it is the less 
surprising that he should rout them, with the loss of 
three thousand men killed and wounded 3 a great iium- 



NOTES. T(3 

her of prisoners, a considerable part of their baggage, 
twenty-five pair of colors, and twelve standards. 

(47) Page 95. La Feuillade— The Duke de la Feu. 
illade, whose only merit as a man and a general con- 
sisted in his being the son-in-law of Chamillard, at that 
time prime minister, whose second daughter he had 
married.. St. Simon characterizes him in these strong 
terms: — " He had a heart completely corrupt, a soul of 
mud, and he was impious by fashion and profession ; in 
a word, he was the most thoroughly depraved character 
that has been seen for a long time." The consequences 
resulting from the appointment of such a man to so 
important a command were only such as might naturally 
have been expected. 

(48) Page 95. The Duke of Orleans — The nephew 
of Louis XI V. and after his death regent of France. 
''According to the testimonies of all cotemporary 
historians," says Meincrs in his History of the Female 
Sex, u scarcely any mortal ever united in so high a 
degree as the Duke of Orleans the happiest talents for 
all the fine and useful arts and sciences, with such an 
unaccountable aversion to every thing commendable 
and virtuous; such soundness, promptitude, andacute- 
ness of understanding, with such inanity and indolence 
of mind; such exalted virtues, among which personal 
valor and universal placability -were particularly dis- 
tinguished, with such a propensity to the most degrading 
vices ; such talents for governing others, with such a 
disposition to suiter himself to be enslaved by the vilest of 
wretches ; in a word, so many rare qualifications, both of 
the heart and mind, with such a total inability to make 
a good use of them. On this account all the historians 
of the time mention a fable in which the mother of the 
regent admirably delineated the character of her son. 
'There was a princess,' says this fable, 'who was 
delivered of a fine boy. The illustrious mother, accord- 
ing to ancient custom, invited to the birth of her son 
all the farics of heayen, except one, who was forgotten. 
The festival was held with great pomp. Each of the 
fairies made the new-born prince a valuable present. 
One gave him yalor, another clemency, a third wit, a 

s 



274 NOTES. 

fourth understanding, a fifth beauty, a sixth strength 
and vivacity, and others liberality and a love of the 
arts and sciences. After each had presented her gift, 
the fairy who had been forgotten arrived, full of secret 
vexation at the neglect she had experienced. She re- 
solved, after the example of her companions, to make 
the prince a present, which might at the first view ap- 
pear advantageous, but which should in reality prove 
prejudicial. — She gave him good-nature, without de- 
termining the degree ; and this good-nature was so 
great as to rcuder all the other gifts which the prince 
had received totally useless." A more complete expo- 
sition of the character of this prince, with details of his 
scandalous excesses, may be found in the work from 
which this extract is made. The duke's mother was a 
German princess of the House of the Palatinate; and he 
married Mademoiselle de Blois, a natural daughter of 
Louis XIV. by Madame de Montespan. It is re- 
markable that his son was as much distinguished for 
piety as his father had been for irreligion. 

(49) Page 101. This teas the 7th of September — 
Considering the disproportion of force, the event of that 
day was perhaps more disgraceful to the French arms 
than any defeat which they ever sustained. The loss of 
men was not great, amounting on either side to about 
eighteen hundred. The French left one hundred and 
ten pieces of large cannon, about fifty field-pieces, fifty 
mortars, eighty-six thousand barrels of powder, besides 
other ammunition; ten thousand horses, five thousand 
mules, two thousand oxen, and al! their baggage, com- 
prehending plate, jewels, and other articles of great 
value, in the hands of the conquerors. St Simon gives 
a highly interesting account of this affair, too long, 
however, to be introduced here, in which he charges 
some of the French commanders with treachery, as well 
as incapacity. La Beaumelle mentions a report that La 
Feuillade had conceived a passion for the Duchess of 
Burgundy, daughter of the Duke of Savoy,, and that, 
not daring to express his sentiments in any other manner, 
he endeavored to make her acquainted with them by 
saving her father's capital, It is certain that in France 



NOTES. 2? J 

these disasters were very generally ascribed to the in* 
trigues or treachery of that princess, but probably with* 
out the slightest foundation. 

(50) Page 101. Mar sin, who fell in this engage* 
ment — Marsin was not actually killed in the field : being 
wounded and taken prisoner, he was conveyed by order 
of Prince Eugene into a house, where, lying upon some 
straw, he was engaged in dictating letters to his court, 
when some gunpowder in a neighboring room taking fire, 
he was smothered before any assistance could be given. 
The Abbe de St. Pierre speaks of Marsin as a warm^ 
generous man, of inferior abilities as a general, and de- 
ranged in his affairs. St. Simon describes him as lively, 
ambitious, endless in compliments, a great talker, re- 
ligious, and not deficient either in understanding or ad- 
dress. He succeeded the Duke d'Harcourt as ambassa- 
dor to the Court of Spain, and with a truly rare concern 
for the interests of his master in preference to his own, 
he refused the dignity and emoluments of a grandee of 
Spain, offered him by Philip V. 

(51) Page 101. Bonneval— Claude Alexandre Count 
de Bonneval, was descended from a good family, and 
married the daughter of Marshal de Biron. He quitted 
the French service in disgust, in consequence of amis- 
understanding respecting shoes furnished by his order, 
for the French soldiers, in a hospital which he had es- 
tablished, and entered into that of the emperor. lie 
continued in the imperial service twenty years; when, 
according to his own account, he was dismissed from all 
his employments for declaring that the persons who had 
accused the Queen of Spain, a French princess, of infi- 
delity to her husband, were scoundrels if they were men, 
and wh — s if they were women. After a year's confine- 
ment in the Castle of Brunn, in Moravia, he went to 
Turkey, entered into the service of the grand signior, 
and embraced the Mahometan religion. The emperor 
gave him a government and a military command, with 
the rank of tashaw. He obtained an important victory 
over the imperial army on the Banks of the Danube; but 
afterwards, falling into disgrace, was banished to the 
Island of Chios, whence he was. however, recalled, and 

s 2 



276 NOTES. 

appointed master-general of the ordnance. He died in that 
situation, in 1747, and left memoirs of his life written by 
himself. In the latter part of his life he was known by 
the name of Osman Bashaw. 

(52) Page 101. Langallcrie — The Marquis de Lan- 
gallerie, whose name is frequently mentioned in these 
memoirs, with deserved commendation as a military 
officer, was allowed by all who knew him to be one of 
the bravest and best generals of the age in which he lived. 
His brilliant qualities were, however, eclipsed by many 
failings. He gave remarkable proofs of levity and fickle- 
ness. He was in fact a kind of mad. man, utterly desti- 
tute of prudence or conduct in the ordinary intercourse 
with the world. He quarrelled with the French ministry, 
and without waiting the effect of the measures taken by 
his friends to get him out of the scrape, he entered at the. 
beginning of 1706 into the imperial service. He was re- 
ceived as a man from whom important services might be 
expected ; and acquainted only with his military talents, 
but not with his defects, the imperial court endeavored to 
make him amends for what be had abandoned. At the be- 
ginning of 1707 he went to Vienna, and there he soon 
shewed what he really was. Having imprudently em- 
broiled himself with a person of the highest rank (with 
Prince Eugene, according to his memoirs, which however 
are said to be spurious), he was obliged to seek his 
fortune elsewhere. Not knowing what to do with him- 
self, he went to Prussia ; but since it had been discovered 
that he possessed nothing but valor without common 
sense, very little notice was taken of hint. The King of 
Poland, who was then at Berlin, feeling for his situation, 
made him a present of a thousand ducats, and appointed 
him general of the foreign troops in his service. A few 
months afterwards the marquis became religious, and then 
a fanatic. He went to Frankfurt on the Oder, where he 
renounced the Roman Catholic religion in the Protestant 
ehurch of the French refugees. To justify this proceed- 
ing, he wrote a work, which he defied the whole Sorbonne 
to answer. He then repaired to Poland, where he 
did not long remain. At length, after wandering about 
a considerable time, he went to Holland, where he formed 



NOTES. 277 

an acquaintance with a French adventurer, styling him. 
self the Marquis de I/inange, who pretended to be a 
prince of the empire, in quality of Landgrave of Lei- 
ningen; though he was in reality a private gentleman of 
Perigord, of the name of Beaugelie, who had just been 
released from the Bastille. These two adventurers 
formed the most extravagant plans. They engaged with 
a Turkish aga, who then happened to be at the Hague^ 
to raise .a certain number of christian troops for the 
service of the Porte, at that time at war with the Vene- 
tians, and to convey them to Turkey in Dutch vessels. 
The consequence was that both were apprehended by 
order of the emperor and carried to Vienna, where they 
died in confinement. Langallerie, at the time of his death 
in 1717, was in 'his 67th year. 

(53) Page 102. Italy is our's, cousin — So panic- 
struck were the French on this occasion, that the very 
officers, on recovering themselves, could not imagine how 
it was possible for them to fly so shamefully as they had 
done before so inferior a force. One of them in writing 
to a friend expressed his surprise at this circumstance, in 
the following terms : — " I am sorry to inform you that 
I no longer know our soldiers. So exceedingly are they 
altered since the battles of Seneff, Montcassel, and Lan- 
den, that I should scarcely imagine our army to be 
composed of the troops of the same nation. I shall 
not describe the disorder in which they fought at 
the battle of Turin, and the confusion that prevailed 
among us when we turned our backs oo an army, which, 
even after the engagement, was greutiy inferior to out's. 
I shall draw a veil over this disagreeable scene, hut I 
cannot help telling you that our troops scarcely think 
themselves safe here, though separated from the enemy 
hy the AIps.* ? 

(54) Page 10% 1 think Louis XIV, mil not order 
Te Deum to be sung at Paris- — The defeat of the French 
army before Turin produced an extraordinary sensation 
throughout all Europe. Two singular instances of its 
effect on the people of England are given in the History 
of Prince Eugene, referred to in several of the preceding 
notes. " An old maiden lady was so transported with 



218 NOTES. 

admiration of Prince Eugene, on hearing of the battle of 
Turin, that she made her will and appointed him her sole 
heir. A gardener, instigated by the same motive, bequeath* 
ed to that hero the sum of one hundred pounds sterling.'* 
(55J Page 102. The Prince of Hesse— Frederic, 
Landgrave of Hesse, son of Charles, Landgrave of Hesse 
Cassel, and Mary Amelia, daughter of James Duke of 
Courland, was born in 1679. In consequence of his 
marriage with Ulrica Eleonora, sister of Charles XII. he 
on the decease of that monarch ascended the throne of 
Sweden, and died in 1751. 

1707. 

(56) Page 104. Two cursed cardinals over-ruled the 
Duke of Savoy'' s opinion and mine — The representations 
of these cardinals had such weight with the emperor that 
positive orders were sent to Prince Eugene to dispatch 
ten thousand of his best troops to Naples, under the 
command of Count Dhaun. This expedition was indeed 
attended with com pleat success, and the total expulsion 
of the French from Naples, but retarded for several 
weeks the meditated invasion of the southern provinces 
of France, and thus gave the enemy time to prepare for 
defence. 

(57) Page 104. We crossed the Var, marched to 
Frejus — The following anecdote of a person who after- 
wards acted a distinguished part in France is related by 
St. Simon, on occasion of the visit of the Duke of Savoy 
to Frejus. u The bishop," says he, " who now governs 
ns with such absolute authority by the name of Cardinal 
Fleui-y, received him at the episcopal residence, which 
indeed he could not help doing. The duke loaded him 
with honors and caresses, and so completely intoxicated 
him with his civilities, that the poor man, formed alike to 
deceive and to be deceived, put on his pontifical habit, 
presented holy water and incense to the duke at the door 
of the cathedral, and chanted 1 e Deum for the occupation 
of Frejus. He enjoyed for some days the false caresses 
of the prince's gratitude for an action so contrary to his 
duty and his path. So violent was the king's anger on this 



NOTES. 279 

occasion, that Torcy, the intimate friend of the prelate, 
had the greatest difficulty in the world to prevent its 
explosion." 

(58) Page 108. The inhabitants of Provence, whom 
he hnd severely Jteececl — In the Memoirs of the Marquis 
c!e Langallerie, which however arc asserted not to be 
genuine, we have a totally different statement. It is there 
said, that the Duke of Savoy placed his officers in the 
wings of his army in such a manner, that it was impossi- 
ble for the troops to straggle for the purpose of plunder- 
ing and burning houses or villages on their march. u The 
French army," continues the same work, <; followed us 
so closely that it always halted at the entrance of a village, 
while we did the same at the other end. In this manner 
it accompanied us to the banks of the Var, which we pass- 
ed almost in its sight without the least danger. The 
French army would indeed have been taken for the escort 
of that of Piedmont. Never was such a way of carrying on 
war witnessed before." 

1708. 

(59) Page 109. Beware lest another Louvois lay 
waste the empire izith fire and sword — This alludes to 
the devastations committed by order of that minister in 
the first years of the war, which commenced in 16S8. 
To, render this war more vigorous and durable, says St.~ 
Simon, he caused Worms and Spire, and the whole Palati- 
nate, to belaid waste with fire and sword, to the gates of 
Mentz. — Madame de Maintenon, whose enmity to 
Louvois is well known, availed herself of these proceed- 
ings to inflame the king against the minister. The latter, 
not content with the dreadful execution which he had 
already occasioned, would have burned Treves also, and 
proposed the measure to the king as still more necessary 
than what had been done at Worms and Spire, as the 
former might be converted by the enemy into a military 
position much more dangerous to France. This cir- 
cumstance gave rise to a curious scene between Louis 
and his minister. A few days afterwards, Louvois, 
going as usual to transact business with the king, in 



280 



NOTES. 



Madame de Maintenon's apartment, told him when busi- 
ness was over, that finding religious scruples were the only- 
reason that had prevented his consent to a measure so ne- . 
cessaryfor his interest, as the burning of Treves, he thought 
he should render his majesty an essential service by reliev- 
ing him from them, and taking the matter upon himself; 
wherefore, without saying any thing to him, he had sent 
off a courier with orders that Treves should be set on fire 
immediately on his arrival. The king, contrary to his 
natural temper, was instantly so transported with rage, 
that snatching the tongs from the fire-place, he was 
going to attack Louvois with them, when Madame de 
Maintenon ran between them, exclaiming: u Ah 1 Sire, 
what are you doing ?" and took the tongs out of his 
hand. Louvois in the mean time ran out of the room. 
The king called him back. u Send off," said he, while 
his eyes sparkled with indignation, li a courier this mo- 
ment, with counter-orders; let him arrive in time, and 
depend upon it you shall lose your head if a single house 
is burned." Louvois immediately retired more dead than 
alive, not to issue counter-orders, for he had taken good 
care not to send off the first courier, thongh he was 
waiting ready booted with the dispatches commanding 
the destruction of the city, till the return of Louvois 
from the king. Louis never knew any other but that 
this messenger had set out, and that the second had ar- 
• rived in time to prevent the execution of the order. 

(60) Page 116. Vendome collected the relics of the 
army, and took charge of the rear — In this engagement 
the allies had about two thousand killed, and three 
thousand wounded. Of the French four thousand were 
killed, upwards of two thousand wounded, and seven 
thousand taken prisoners, as stated in the text. They 
lost forty nine pair of colors, but no cannon, having 
only four light pieces in the action. 

(61) Page 119. The brave and skilful Boufflers — 
Louis Francois, Duke de Boufflers, the son of Count 
Eoufilers,was born in 1644, entered early into the army, 
and served under Marshal Crequi in the conquest of 
Lorraine. In the war with Holland he served under the 
celebrated Turenne, and in 1675, when that general was 
tilled, he commanded the rear-guard during the retreat of 



NOTES. 2&1 

the French army. After various services in Flanders, 
Germany, and on the frontiers of Spain, he was, in 1690, 
appointed general of the army of the Moselle. The follow- 
ing year he acted as lieutenant-general under the king in 
person. At the siege of Namur he was entrusted with the 
command of the covering army against King William III. 
and for his services was in 1693 raised to the rank of 
marshal of France. In 1694 he was appointed governor 
of French Flanders, and the following year, throwing 
himself by a skilful manoeuvre into Namur, he held out 
sixty three days against the allied army. Contrary to 
the terms of the capitulation, Boufflers was detained a 
prisoner of war. The marshal enquiring the reason of 
this, was informed that it was by way of reprisal on ac- 
count of the French having kept the garrison of Dix- 
mude. u Then," said he, " mine ought to be detained 
rather than myself." He received this compliment in re- 
ply: " You, sir, are of more value than ten thousand 
men." In the conferences which terminated in the peace 
of Ryswick, he had a principal share. To his conduct 
in the following war, Prince Eugene has done ample 
justice; but it should also be observed that the magna- 
nimity of Boufflers was equal to his military talents ; for 
when a partisan represented to him that it would not be 
difficult to kill Eugene, the marshal told him he might ex- 
pect a great reward for taking the prince, but the severest 
punishment if any thing were attempted against his life. 
His conduct at the battle of Malplaquet, when though a 
senior officer, he served agreeably to his own offer under 
Villars, is described in its proper place. He died at 
Fontainebleau in 1711, leaving the character of a true 
patriot as well as of a great commander. It was well 
observed of him by Madame de Maintenon, that his heart 
was the last part that died. His conduct was unin- 
fluenced by private interest, and superior to court in- 
trigue. St. Simon, whose praise is bestowed with a very 
sparing hand, pays a just tribute to the merits of 
Boufflers. 

(62) Page 120. Marlborough sent me word that 
Berzcick — The Duke of Berwick was a natural son of 
James II. of England, by Mrs. Arabella Churchill, sister 



282 



NOTES. 



to the great Duke of Marlborough. At the revolution 
he followed the fortunes of his father, whom he accom- 
panied to France, where he was recommended to the 
court by his superior merit. He was created marshal of 
France, Duke and Peer of France, grandee of Spain, 
and commander-in-chief of the French armies; in all 
which stations his behavior was such that few equalled and 
none perhaps ever excelled him. He lived in an age when 
many of the greatest men commanded against him. His 
courage "was of the cool, steady kind, always possessing 
himself; taking all advantages ; not foolishly, rashly, or 
wantonly throwing away the lives of his soldiers. On 
all occasions he kept up the strictest discipline; and 
when he had become a naturalized Frenchman, he never 
suffered the private interest of the Stuart family to inter- 
fere with his duty to the sovereign whom he served. 
Without being a bigot, he was a moral and religious man, 
a character which he proved to be not incompatible with 
the life of a statesman and a great general. Berwick pos- 
sessed none of that suppleness which is considered so 
essential a requisite in a courtier. For this reason the 
Queen of Spain, during his command in that country, 
observed : " He is a great surly devil of an Englishman, 
who always goes straight forward.*' Finding him less 
flexible than she wished, she procured his recall, but was 
near paying for her dislike with the loss of her crown. He 
was killed by a cannon ball at the siege of Philipsburg, 
in 1738. 

(63) Page 120. The Icing sent his booby Chamillard — 
Chamillard was brought up to the profession of the law; 
and though various circumstances related of him by St. 
Simon a.id others are highly creditable to his principles 
and his heart, yet it is on all hands agreed that he was a 
man of no abilities. His dexterity at billiards introduced 
him to the notice of Louis XIV. in whose favor, as well 
as in Madame de Main tenon's, he contrived to establish 
himself so firmly that the king at length invested him 
with the highest offices. In 1699, when Pontehartrain 
became chancellor, he succeeded him in thedepartment of 
the finances, and on the death of Pomponne, in 1700, 
was appointed minister of state. On the death of Bar- 



NOTES. 28 



r\ 



besieax in the following year, Chamillard became secre- 
tary of state for the war department, in conjunction with 
the finances. The duties of these situations, especially 
during a period remarkably disastrous for France, might 
be considered too arduous for any one man however 
eminent his genius and talents; it cannot therefore ap- 
pear surprising if Chamillard foundhimself inadequate to 
the task ; his health declined under the consequent 
fatigues and anxieties, and in 1709, he begged leave to 
resign his offices, which Louis XIV. at length granted, 
but with great reluctance. He died in 1721. 

(64) Page 123. The Chevalier de Luxembourg in- 
troduced am?nunition 9 of ZL'hich the besieged zcere in great 
leant — This officer, son of the celebrated marshal of that 
name, and himself afterwards raised to the same rauk, 
was not inferior to his father in boldness, valor, and 
prudence, as will in some degree appear from a more 
circumstantial account of the enterprise alluded to by 
the author. Marshal Boufflers haviug found means to 
inform him that he was in want of powder, the chevalier 
resolved to carry him a supply. He chose from the differ- 
ent regiments of cavalry two thousand five hundred men, 
will mounted, and of whose bravery and resolution he 
\f as well assured. They consisted of carbineers, dragoons, 
and troopers. The latter had each a bag of powder 
of sixty pounds w r cight behind him, while each of the 
dragoons and carbineers carried three muskets and a 
quantity of flints. This force was to be folowed by 
a body of unencumbered troops and another of grena- 
diers. When every thing was ready for the expedi- 
tion, the chevalier sent out detachments in various 
directions, as if to oppose the enemy's parties that 
infested the Frertch provinces contiguous to "the Low 
Countries; but in reality to divert the attention of the 
besiegers from his design. He then apprized Bouf- 
flers that he would enter by a certain gate, and set- 
ting out one very dark night at the head of his corps, 
he reached the barrier of the camp of the besiegers; 
He had with him an officer who spoke the Dutch 
language fluently. When the advanced sentry cried 
in Dutch: " Who's there?" This officer, who knew 



284 NOTES. 

most of the regiments in Marlborough's army, replied 
that they came from that army, having been detached 
by his grace. They were permitted to advance to the 
barrier, where the captain of the guard questioned 
them very minutely; but the French officer having 
very patiently answered all his enquiries, they were suf- 
fered to pass. As soon as they had gained a free 
passage through the barrier, they began to defile with 
all possible dispatch. Half had already passed, when 
one of the officers, seeing that his men were rather 
too far asunder, imprudently cried in French : u Closer! 
closer!" The captain of the guard partly suspectiHg the 
truth, ordered those who had not yet passed to stop, 
but as they paid no attention to this, he ordered them 
to be fired upon. This produced an explosion of some 
of the bags of powder, by which more than sixty of the 
troopers were killed with their horses. Alarmed by this 
noise Witgenstein's dragoons, whose quarters were near 
the spot, seized their arms and ran out in their shirts. 
The hereditary Prince of Hesse likewise repaired thither, 
and ordered all the cavalry under his command to take 
horse. Meanwhile those of the French, who had passed 
the barrier, had time to get into the town; and the 
others took the road to Douai. Both were pursued, but 
sustained little injury. 

(65) Page 123. Every body is acquainted with the 
stupidity of Lamotte — The Count dc Lamotte set out 
from Bruges to intercept the English convoy with a force 
twice as strong as that by which it was escorted. It is 
asserted that he might have taken it without fighting; 
but he thought fit to attack the escort, which was so 
advantageously posted in a wood to cover the march, 
and behaved with such gallantry, that the assailants were 
repulsed and completely routed with the loss of three 
thousand killed, and a considerable number wounded and 
prisoners. St. Simon states that the Duke of Berwick 
was solicited by some of the principal officers to take 
upon himself the conduct of this enterprise, but that he 
shewed them an express order from the court appointing 
la Motte, "that is to say," he continues, u the most 
short-sighted and the most obstinate perhaps of all tb.$ 
Fiench lieutenant-generals." 



NOTES. 2S5 

(66) Page 129. J went very soon to pay him a visit, 
and in truth, to do homage to his merit — The conduct 
of Boufflers, during this celebrated siege, is spoken of 
by St. Simon, in the following terras : — " Accessible at 
all times, attentive as much as possible to prevent others 
incurring useless fatigue and dangers, he shunned no 
hardships, was every where, examined and directed every- 
thing personally, and was continually exposing himseSf. 
He did not go to bed three times from the opening of the 
trenches to the capitulation, merely lying down in his 
clothes. It is difficult to conceive how a man at his age 
could sustain such fatigue. He was reproached with ex- 
posing his person, but he did so that he might see every 
thing himself. Several times he was wounded ; but con- 
cealed it as much as he could, and altered nothing on that 
account in his daily conduct : but having once been 
knocked down by a blow on the head, he was carried 
home, and it was proposed to bleed him. This opera- 
tion he refused to submit to, for fear it should wea- 
ken him, and would have gone out again. His house was 
surrounded by his soldiers, who declared that they would 
quit their posts if they saw him again before the expira- 
tion of twenty-four hours. Thus besieged, he was obliged 
to consent to be let blood and to lie down; and never 
was such joy expressed as when he appeared abroad again. 
In regard to provisions, he fared the same as his troops ; 
he not only expended the money which he carried with 
him, but more which he borrowed, for the good of the 
service, distributing it among the soldiers, and assisting 
the officers with admirable simplicity." 

(67) Page 131. While we are speaking, he is playing 
very deep — Charles XII. was just at this time preparing 
to march into Russia, on the rash expedition which ter- 
minated very shortly in the unfortunate battle of Pul- 
towa, where he lost in one day the fruits of all his 
former conquests. 

1709. 

(68) Page 135: We determined upon the battle of 
Malplaq'tet — " For many ages," says the Histoire di 
Prince Eugene, " there had not been seen so many men 



C 



86 NOTES. 



assembled for the purpose of mutual destruction ; their 
number fell little short of three hundred thousand. Each 
army had a numerous artillery ; the allies one hundred 
and twenty pieces of cannon, and the enemy not fewer. 
In valor, both sides were equal. The allies possessed the 
advantage of confidence in two able chiefs, avid boldness 
resulting from their late successes ; while the French, on 
the other hand, were covered by hedges, ditches, and 
excellent entrenchments. In short, every thing contri- 
buted to produce a more dreadful carnage than was ever 
beheld. In truth, neither the battle of Zenta, nor that 
of Hochstedt, nor scarcely any other, exhibited a spec- 
tacle so afflicting to humanity, as the prodigious quan- 
tity of blood that was spilled in the plains of Mal- 
plaquet." 

(69) Page 137. Dangerously wounded below the 
knee—- Villars remained lame ever afterwards, but for his 
conduct on this occasion, when the French, as usual, 
claimed the victory, Louis XIV. created him a duke and 
peer of France. Boufflers, whose services were perhaps 
not less conspicuous, was disappointed of any reward ; 
but then Villars was a favorite of the all-powerful 
Maintenon. 

Villars, in his letter to the king after the engagement, 
states the loss of the allies at four times that of the 
French, without specifying any number. The author of 
the history to which I have so often referred in these 
notes, says, that of twenty accounts of this battle in his 
possession, no two agree in this respect ; but that it is 
certain the loss of the allies in killed exceeded that of 
the French by at least one half. It is asserted, says he, 
that they had twenty thousand men killed in the field, 
among whom are reckoned eleven thousand Dutch, and 
above six thousand wounded. The French, on their side, 
admit eight thousand killed, and four thousand five hun- 
dred wounded. 

1710 

(70) Page 141. Rendered them cautious and Villars 
too — Villars, in his memoirs, asserts that he was desirous 
of an engagement. " The king," he says, " without 



NOTES. 287 

absolutely forbidding me to fight, insinuated that he 
should prefer entrenchments to a battle, apparently sa- 
tisfied if I could save Arras and Cambrai. It was not 
considered that a battle was more suitable to the genius 
of the nation which impels the French to seek a pitched 
battle with their enemies, rather than to entrench them- 
selves and reduce the affair to an attack of posts. For 
this reason, after the taking of Douai, I did not think fit 
to surround myself with entrenchments, as well that 1 
might not take from the enemy the inclination to meet 
me, which he affected and I desired, though he was 
stronger than we by thirty to forty thousand men ; 
as to keep up the courage of our troops when they saw 
that I did not hide myself. I merely strove to place 
myself in such a manner as always to have time to throw 
up a little earth before me, and was particularly careful 
to take the best posts." I leave the reader to judge whe- 
ther there does not appear to be some degree of contra- 
diction between the former and the. latter part ef this 
passage. 

1711. 

(71) Pa£e 143. Put an end to this tedious rebellion- — 
This rebellion commenced in 1703* The leader of the 
insurgents, Prince Francis Ragotzi, was the son of 
George Ragotzi, and Helena Veronica, daughter of Count 
Serini, who married for her second husband Count Eme~ 
rick Tekeli, and is so highly celebrated for the heroism 
with which she defended the fortress of Montgatz against 
the imperial troops. This prince laid claim to the sove- 
reignty of Transylvania, of which his ancestors had been 
Waywodes, til! his father, putting himself under the pro- 
lection of the Emperor Ferdinand III. so exasperated 
the Ottoman Porte, that the latter deposed, and drove 
him with great case out of his dominions, the court of 
Vienna having neglected to give him timely assistance. 
The Turks then declared Michael Abaffi. Way w ode of 
Transylvania. On his death, the emperor having weak- 
ened the Turks in Hungary, conceived the design of se- 
turing possession of that province. With this view, 
he filled it with his troops ; and when the young 



2SS NOTES, 

Abaffi, son of the former, returned from the Rhine, 
where he had been making a campaign, he ordered him to 
be thrown into confinement, and partly by caresses, 
partly by threats, he cajoled him into a formal renun- 
ciation of his claims upon Transylvania. This, however, 
did not make the inhabitants of that country more sub- 
missive to the imperial yoke ; they elected Prince Francis 
Ragotzi for their sovereign, and supported by Louis 
XI V.he immediately prepared to assert his rights by arms. 
Combining the interests of the whole oppressed Hunga- 
rian nation with his own, his cause was espoused by 
great numbers, and thus he was enabled to carry on a 
protracted war with various success, against all the troops 
which the emperor could spare from other quarters. At 
length, in 1711, the Turks declared war against Russia, 
and made the necessary preparations to prosecute it with 
vigor. As it was their design to pass through Hungary, 
to attack their enemies, Prince Eugene, and the other mem- 
bers of the imperial council, were apprehensive lest they 
should by the way afford assistance to the malcontents ; 
and by the mediation of Mourdaunt, Earl of Peterbo- 
rough, our ambassador at Vienna, an accommodation 
was concluded between the emperor and Ragotzi. 

(72) Page 144. It has long been the fashion to assert 
that great personages die of poisc?i — It is not improbable, 
that in this reflection the illustrious author may have had 
in view the story propagated respecting his mother, and the 
Queen of Spain, as well as the sudden events which, in 
1712, threw the court of France into consternation and 
mourning. 

(73) Page 145. The consequences will be seen pre- 
sently — Harley, afterwards created Earl of Oxford, aud 
St. John, better known by the title of Lord Boling- 
broke, were the leaders of the tory party, by which 
Marlborough and the whigs were supplanted in the confi- 
dence of the queen. The following anecdote relative to 
this change in her Majesty's sentiments is extracted from 
the French history of the prince already quoted. The 
queen began to feel an extreme coldness for some of her 
old ministers, because they no longer shewed the same 
gratitude and respect for her as they had done at the 



, ♦ NOTES. 289 

beginning of her reign. She took into her friendship one 
Mrs. Marsham, a zealous partisan of the tories. This 
new favorite strove, with great address, to cure the queen 
of her prepossession against that party. She demon- 
strated to her, that they were the firmest supporters of 
the majesty of kings, who but for them would be trod- 
den under foot by the whigs ; and to convince her the 
more fully of this, she proposed to the queen to go in- 
cognito to the parliament-house, to collect the sentiments 
of both respecting the royal prerogative, when Sacheve- 
rel's affair should come under discussion. The queen, in 
compliance with this advice, repaired in disguise to the 
House of Commons, where, with her own ears, she heard 
the proposals broached by the whigs to undermine the 
royal authority, and witnessed the efforts made by the 
tories to refute them, and to support the interests of the 
sovereign. This aggravated the queen's indignation 
against the whigs, and strengthened her rising partiality 
for their opponents. The principal tories, proceeds the 
same author, were intimate friends of Marshal Tallard, 
and of course wholly devoted to France. They hasten- 
ed to inform Louis XIV. of what was passing, and re- 
quested him to send a confidential person to negociate 
with the queen's ministers. M. Menager was selected 
for this purpose, and he managed his master's affairs so 
.well, that he succeeded in completely detaching Queen 
Anne from the interests of the grand alliance. 

(74) Page 146. Charles VI. ordered me to repair the 
blunders of Gallas, if he had committed any, and to re- 
gain the court of St. James's — Count Gallas, says the 
historian quoted in the preceding note, could not for- 
bear expressing his mortification at the conduct of minis- 
ters, and from a zeal equally useless and imprudent, 
speaking of the queen in terms by no means respectful. 
He even went so far as to employ his utmost efforts to 
form a cabal against one of the highest prerogatives of 
the sovereign, the power of making peace and war 
without consulting any body. The queen, informed of 
his proceedings, ordered him to be forbidden fne court. 

(75) Page 1 53. Assure their high mightinesses of 
the truth of what I write you % of my dissatisfaction and 

T 



profound mortification— This disastrous business cost the 
allied army ten thousand men, in killed, drowned, and 
prisoners. The French, -who had only seven or eight 
hundred killed, took above one hundred pieces of can- 
non, three hundred thousand pounds of powder, and a 
prodigious quantity of military and other stores. 

(76) Page 1 53. / could not prevent Villars from talcing 
Douay — During the siege, Villars made himself master of 
the fort of la Scarpe, according to his own account, in 
the following manner: The garrison, says he, beat a par- 
Icy. I was in the trenches. The officers who came out 
demanded four days' time to receive the orders of the 
Prince of Savoy. u You can have no objection," an- 
swered I, " to my calling a council to consider of your 
proposal. " u By no means," was their reply. I called 
the grenadiers. u It is you, gentlemen," said I, " that 
I want to consult." " What !" exclaimed the officers, 
44 a council of grenadiers !" u On such occasions I 
never call any other." Then addressing the grenadiers, I 
said : " My friends, these captains demand four days, 
that they may have time to receive orders from their ge- 
neral; what is your opinion? u Their answer was: 
44 Let us go to work, and in a quarter of an hour we'll 
do their business for them." 44 Gentlemen," said I, 
" they will do as they say, so make up your mind." 
The deliberation was not long ; they surrendered at dis. 
cretion, and one thousand three hundred and fifty men, 
four captains, and one colonel, marched out of the fort, 
and were sent to Amiens. 

(77) Page 157. Leaving Vaubonne to defend the 
passage of the mountains — Vaubonne was a native of 
Bedouin, a large village in the county of Avignon, of 
low parentage. lie entered young into the service, and 
carried the musket. The difficulty of obtaining promo- 
ton in France induced him to accept a commission in 
the imperial army, in which he rose to the highest rank, 
and died with the character of a brave officer. 

(78) Page 165. Cutting the throats of the Hugonots 
ifi the Cevennes — An interesting account of these insur- 
gents in Languedcc is given in the memoirs of Marshal 
Villars, who" was sent to suppress them in 1704. 



NOTES. 291 

1715. 

(79) Page 176. '77s easy to be modest when one is 
successful — The loss of the Turks in this engagement was 
never exactly ascertained. Their killed exceeded six 
thousand, while the imperialists lost at least half that 
number, and had near two thousand wounded. One 
hundred and sixty-four pieces of cannon and mortars, 
one hundred and fifty pair of colors, and rive horse-, 
tails fell into the hands of the conquerors. 

(80) Page 177. We took by assault the Palanka — 
This was a work fortiiied and sarrounded with a ditch and 
stone wall, in the Turkish fashion, and covering a 
suburb of Temeswar, which contained more inhabitants 
than all the rest of the town. The Turks defended this 
place with the greatest obstinacy ; the action lasted four 
hours, and cost the imperialists upwards of four hundred 
killed, and one thousand three hundred wounded. 

1717. 

(81) Page 182. Marcilly was killed zvhzle bravely 
defending himself in a post, which I had directed him to 
entrench — Achille de Pawlet, Marquis de Marcilli, was 
a Frenchman by birth, but of English extraction. An 
affair of honor with a Mons. de Montgeorges occasion- 
ed him to enter into the imperial service, in which he so 
highly distinguished himself, that he was promoted to the 
rank of lieutenant-general. After the battle of Peter- 
waradin, he received a very flattering letter from the em- 
peror, in consequence of the high compliments paid by 
Prince Eugene to his valor and conduct. 

(82) Page 185. d'Estrades, governor of the Prince 
de Dombes — Godefroi Louis, Count d'Estrades, marechal- 
de-camp in the French army, was descended from an il- 
lustrious family, which produced many celebrated cha- 
racters. He died in a few days, inconsequence of this 
accident. 

(83) Page 1 88. Either by land or water — In the en. 
gagement which led to the surrender of Belgrade, ten 
thousand of the Turks were slain in the field of battle* 

t8 



29& NOTES, 

and three thousand in the pursuit ; five thousand were 
wounded, and the same number taken prisoners. The 
imperialists had two thousand killed on the spot, and 
three thousand wounded. The booty taken in the Turk- 
ish camp was very great, as was also the quantity of ar- 
tillery which fell into the hands of the conquerors in the 
battle and in the city, amounting to six hundred and 
sixty-five pieces of cannon, and one hundred and four 
mortars. 

1718. 

(84) Page 193: It was a cardinal, who ought to have 
been an enemy of Mahomet, that saved his empire — This 
was Cardinal Alberoni, who having raised himself from 
the lowest station, to the elevated post of prime minister 
of Spain, made that power respected, if not feared, by 
the rest of Europe, His projects, which about this time 
excited considerable apprehension in the countries against 
which they were directed, were, to place Philip V. as the 
oldest representative of the house of Bourbon, on the 
throne of France ; to seat the Pretender on that of Eng- 
land ; and to add Naples to the Spanish dominions. Na- 
ples then belonged to the emperor, who thought fit to 
conclude a peace with the Mahometans, in order to de- 
fend himself against his Christian enemies. 

The reader is referred to St. Simon's memoirs for a 
humorous account of Alberoni's first introduction to the 
Duke de Vendome, which laid the foundation of his fu- 
ture greatness. His ambitious projects'* involved Spain 
in a war with France, and the regent duke of Orleans 
' made his disgrace one of the conditions of peace with 
the Spanish monarch. He was accordingly banished from 
the kingdom in 1720, and retired to Italy, where he died 
at Rome in 1752, aged 87 years, 

1719. 

(85)> Page 194. He caused Jniessens, the father of the 
eity, to be beheaded — The commencement of the disturb- 
ances in the Low Countries was this. The emperor had 



NOTES. 293 

thought fit to appoint a new council at Brussels, for the 
administration of the affairs of Brabant, and this council 
directed a fresh oath to be administered to the different 
companies of the city, in the person of the nine deans or 
masters. The burgomaster accordingly summoned them 
to the town-house, and read a letter which he said was 
written by the emperor, directing the form of the oath to 
be taken by them. The masters requested to see the letter, 
but as the magistrate absolutely refused to shew it, they, 
with one single exception, withdrew, declaring their reso- 
lution to suffer death, rather than do any thing contrary 
to their rights and privileges. The people, espousing the 
cause of the masters, flocked to the town-house to 
wreak their vengeance on the individual who had taken 
the prescribed oath ; but being disappointed of their ob- 
ject, they attacked and demolished the house of the bur- 
gomaster. A detachment of the garrison was sent to 
quell the rioters, but their numbers had increased to such 
a degree, that the troops returned without attempting any- 
thing. 

A second disturbance broke out on occasion of a sub- 
sidy demanded by the emperor, and which could not be 
levied without the consent of the guilds. The masters, 
however, declared that they would hear of no imposts 
to be laid upon the people, till the council had annulled 
all sentences and decrees against their companies, to the 
prejudice of their ancient rights and privileges. This re- 
quisition, deemed insolent,' and tending to undermine the 
imperial authority, was rejected with contempt, and 
gave rise to fresh riots, in which the houses of some ob- 
noxious magistrates were demolished or burned. Though 
the rioters were charged by the troops, and several of 
them killed, the tumults continued; and as the country 
people threatened to join the townsmen, the royal autho- 
rity was obliged to yield and to comply with the demands 
of the guilds. 

On this, a considerable force was sent to the Low 
Countries ; the garrison of Brussels was increased to ten 
thousand' men, and the citizens were forbidden to take 
arms under pain of death. An investigation into the late 
disturbances was instituted, and proofs sufficient to con. 



294 NOTES. 

vict several of the masters of companies of disobedience 
to the emperor were soon procured. They were brought 
to trial, and found guilty. Sentence was passed, aud ex- 
ecuted the same day, on fourteen of the ringleaders. 
Among these was Anniessens, a venerable old man of 
seventy. None ever shewed greater fortitude than he 
did on this occasion. He heard his sentence read without 
the least emotion, merely replied to all the charges that 
he was innocent, and that he had never sought to disturb 
the tranquillity of the city. When ordered to sign his 
sentence, according to the custom of the country, he 
bluntly refused, and replied with great composure, that 
he never imagined the emperor had not forces sufficient 
to put an end to a life so far advanced as his. When 
upon the scaffold, he attempted to harangue the populace, 
but the noise made by the soldiers who surrounded him 
prevented his being heard. Not only did the people, as 
the prince observes, dip their handkerchiefs in his blood, 
but he was universally styled the Martyr of his coun. 
try, and received a magnificent funeral at the public 
expence. 

(86) Page 194. Egmont and IJoorn — Two distin- 
guished patriots of the Low Countries, who were un- 
justly tried by command of the sanguinary Alva, and be- 
headed at Brussels in 1568. 

(S7) Page 195. The squabbles of Prie and Bonne, 
vol — The following extract, from a memoir written by 
Bonneval himself, for the purpose of being presented to 
the king of Spain, will elucidate this passage. The Mar- 
quis des Eaux, a young and handsome Flemish gentleman, 
made love to Madame d'Apremont, daughter of the Mar- 
quis de Prie, vice-governor of the Austrian Netherlands, 
during the life-time of her husband. No sooner was she 
a widow, than he was anxious to get away from her ; for 
not a moment was lost by the Pries, to propose to him to 
step into the place of the deceased; He at first declined 
the honor in civil and general terms, but fearing some 
violent measures, he obtained permission from the court 
of Vienna, unknown to Prie!, to go to Spain. Before he 
3ct off, he left a letter with the Count de Lannoy, for 
'Madams d'Apremont, in which he promised to return as 



NOTES. 295 

soon as possible, and assured her, that he regretted the 
necessity of this separation, but without the slightest al- 
lusion to marriage. For some months he continued to 
write to the widow, but then his letters ceased entirely. 
He had been three years absent, when the Pries, exaspe- 
rated against him, resolved to effect his destruction in 
Spain, or hjs expulsion from that country, not doubting 
that if they could get him into their clutches, they should 
find means to oblige him to marry their daughter. 

The slight disgrace which the consort of his Catholic 
Majesty Don Louis had incurred by certain childish inad- 
vertencies, afforded them an opportunity of traducing 
her in the vilest, and at the same time the most imprudent 
manner that could possibly be imagined. They loudly 
proclaimed that the cause of this disgrace, the occasion 
of which was kept secret, was an intrigue between that 
princess and the Marquis des Eaux, and that the king, 
her husband, being apprized of it, had ordered the Mar- 
quis to be stabbed in the queen's chamber, and his body to 
be thrown out of the window into the street. This story 
they repeated to every body, and circulated with such in- 
dustry, that it soon became current in every ale-house 
and coffee-house, in every town of the Netherlands. 
Count de Lannoy, who was in the service of the King 
of Spain, and to whom the Marquis de Prie related this 
fable, replied before a whole company, that it could 
not be true, because the chamber of the Queen of Spain 
was not so easy of access as Madame d'Apremont's, which 
greatly disconcerted both the mother and the daughter. 
The Count de Bonneval, who, notwithstanding the en- 
gagements which then bound him to the house of Aus- 
tria, always entertained the warmest attachment to his 
Majesty the King of Spain, and the whole royal family 
of France thought he could not better refute these ca- 
lumnies, than by declaring one day when he had compa- 
ny at his house, that those who circulated such stories 
against the honor and virtue of so great a princess as the 
Queen of Spain were scoundrels if they were men, and 
w — s if they were women, be they who they would, nay, 
even if such language had been held in the house of 
the Marquis de Prie, or of the Marchioness his wife, 



295 NOTES. 

or in that of Madame d'Apremont, but without naming 
them. 

The count being greatly beloved in the Netherlands, 
such a declaration from him broke all the measures of 
the Pries against the Marquis des Eaux, and shewed the 
public the source of these calumnies to their utter con- 
fusion. They resolved to be revenged on him. He was 
sent to the citadel of Antwerp, and Prince Eugencj at 
Vienna, espoused the cause of the Pries with as much 
warmth as if he had been personally attacked ; but not- 
withstanding all his influence, Prie was dismissed from 
the deputy-government, and he was himself removed from 
his government of Flanders. This only increased his 
animosity against the Count de Bonneval, whom he ac- 
cused among other things of stirring up a business 
that might lead to a war. He was confined for a year in 
the Castle of Spielberg, in Moravia, and dismissed from 
all his employments in the emperor's service; that great 
and wise monarch having sacrificed the Count de Bonne- 
val, to compensate Prince Eugene, iu some measure for 
the mortification he felt for the fall of the Pries, and the 
loss of his government of the Netherlands. 

Some months afterwards, however, his imperial majesty 
sent Count Zinzendorf, high chancellor of his court, to 
Prince Eugene, to tell him, that his majesty would be 
pleased to see this affair M'ith the Count de Bonneval ad- 
justed ; that he was an officer who had rendered him im- 
portant services, and he wished his highness would con- 
trive means to restore matters to their former state. The 
prince angrily replied : " Sir, the emperor is master 
here ; but if the Count de Bonneval enters Vienna at 
one gate, I shall lea^e it at another." 

Finding the door thus shut against his readmission into 
the imperial service, and that measures would be pursued 
to prevent his being received into that of Spain or France, 
the count came to the resolution of seeking his fortune in 
Turkey. 

1722. 

(88) Page 199. Charles VI. displayed his magnifi- 



NOTES. 297 

cence at the marriage of his niece — The Archduchess 
Maria Amelia, second daughter of the emperor Joseph, 
who was united to Prince Charles Albert of Bavaria. 

1723. 

(89) Page 203. Who did not pay proper attention 
to him — This circumstance Viliars in his memoirs 
mentions in these words: — u He flew into such a pas- 
sion one day at a public dinner, as to strike one of his 
attendants, who did not serve him so expeditiously as 
he Wished. His father, the emperor, looked at him 
with emotion, and said: — * You might at least forbear to 
expose yourself before strangers." 

1725. 

(90) Page 210. We were delighted zdth his re- 
doubled pains to please us — Louis Francois Armand du 
Plessis, Duke de Richelieu, and Marshal of France, was 
not more notorious for his own early amours with females 
of the highest rank in France, than for the part which 
he acted in promoting those of Louis XV. He equally 
distinguished himself by his services in the cabinet, in his 
embassies to Vienna, Dresden, and Genoa; and in the 
field, by the victory of Fontenoy, the reduction of Mi- 
norca, and the capitulation of Clostersevern. Those 
who would form a correct idea of the horrible depravity 
and licentiousness which prevailed in the court of France 
during the last century, are referred to the memoirs of 
this nobleman by the Abbe Soulavie. 

1728. 

(91) Page 212. Gay as his little court of Lorraine— - 
This prince having ceded the Duchy of Lorraine to 
France, afterwards married the emperor's only child, 
Maria Theresa, and ascended the imperial throne by the 
title of Francis I. He was born in 1708, and died in 
1765. 

1732 

(92) Page 215. The King of Prussia— Frederic 



298 NOTES. 

William I. whose father assumed the royal title. He 
was born in 1688, commenced his reign in 1713, and 
died in 1740. He married Sophia, daughter of the 
Elector of Hanover, afterwards George I. of England, 
by whom he was father to his successor, Frederic the 
Great. Frederic William was particularly remarkable 
for his partiality to soldiers of extraordinary stature, and 
his attention to all the minutiae of the dress and evolu- 
tions of his troops. These subjects, together wifh the 
accumulation of money, were his favorite studies. Most 
of his generals, whatever their merit might be in their 
own line, scarcely knew how to sign their names. So 
great indeed was the ignorance of the king himself, that 
he banished from his dominions the celebrated philoso- 
pher, Wolf, merely because he maintained the doctrine of 
pre-established harmony ; upon which a theologian as- 
serted that on such principles his Majesty's grenadiers 
were not culpable when they deserted, as it was only 
the necessary consequence of the impulse which their 
fnachine had received from their Creator. Frederic 
William also exposed his character to the imputation of 
cruelty from the manner in which he conducted himself 
towards his own son. 

1733. 

(93) Page 217. In spite of France^ xsho was desirous 
•J again sealing Stanislaus on the throne, — Stanislaus 
Leczinski, the son' of a Polish nobleman, was born in 
1677. In 1704 he was sent ambassador by the assembly 
of Warsaw to Charles XII. of Sweden, who had con- 
quered Poland. Charles conceived such a friendship for 
him, that he gave him the throne of that kingdom, and 
caused him to be crowued in 1705. Stanislaus was in- 
volved in 1709 in the misfortunes of his protector and 
driven from his throne, which he could never afterwards 
regain. He took refuge in France, where he lived in 
obscurity till 1725, when Louis XV. espoused his 
daughter Mary. On ihe death of Augustus in 1733, 
he returned to' Poland, in hopes of recovering the crown, 
but the young Elector of Saxony being supported by 



NOTES. 299 

Russia and Austria, was declared king. On the con- 
clusion of peace between France and the Emperor of 
Germany in 1736, it was agreed that Stanislaus should 
abdicate the throne, and be put in possession of the du- 
chies of Lorraine and Bar, which after his death were to 
be united for ever to France. His death in 1766, occa- 
sioned by his night-gown taking fire, produced a public 
mourning ; indeed the tears of his subjects were the best 
eulogium on the character of this excellent prince, whose 
chief delight consisted in doing good. 

1734. 

(94) Page 221. Breaker of horse shoes — Augustus 
II. Elector of Saxony and King of Poland, was re- 
markable for his strength, which was so great that he 
could break a horse-shoe in his hand with the greatest 
ease. 

(95) Page 222. The son of Augustus II. had been 
elected Piast. — Piastus, a native of Poland, was raised 
in the ninth century from the humble station of a wheel- 
wright to the ducal throne of that country. In this new 
dignity he displayed so many excellent qualities, that in 
memory of him all the natives of Poland who have sinc« 
been elected to the ducal or regal crown have been called 
Piastes, in contradistinction to foreigners. 

(96) Page 224. His head was carried off by a cannon 
ball eight days after the opening of the trenches. — For 
a brief character of the Duke of Berwick see a preced- 
ing note. 

(97) Page 224. / was envious on this occasion, and 
it teas for the first time in my life. — It is related of 
Marshal Villars, that on hearing of Berwick's death he 
exclaimed with the same kind of feeling: " That man 
was always fortunate." 

(98) Page 224. Who appeared a young man of in- 
finite promise. — This was the prince whose military ex- 
ploits afterwards astonished the world and procured him 
the epithet of Great. The circumstance from which 
Prince Eugene drew his presentiment, was as follows:— 
Frederic haying accompanied the commander-in-chjef, 



300 NOTES. 

when he went to reconnoitre, was on his return through 
a very open wood, exposed to the cannon of the enemy's 
lines, which thundered incessantly. The balls broke a 
number of branches on every side of him ; notwithstand- 
ing which he never caused his horse to move quicker, 
nor did the hand which held the bridle alter its motion 
even for a moment. He continued to converse with the 
generals who attended him,, and never shewed the smallest 
sign of apprehension. 

(99) Page 224. Never did I see any thing so strong: 
his ditches or trous de loups were conical, and superior to 
those of Conde at Arras- -These entrenchments, says the 
author of the Jlistoire du Prince Eugene, were the most 
formidable that ever were seen. They were the contri- 
vance of Baron d'Asfeld, afterwards Marshal of France, 
and the greatest engineer of the age. They formed a 
kind of bow, to which the Rhine was the string, 
and Philipsburg the arrow. There were three ditches and 
three parapets lined with one hundred and ten pieces of 
heavy cannon, a great number of mortars andswivels. 
All along the parapets were holes about six feet in 
diameter, twelve deep, and three asunder. This practice 
was not new ; it was adopted by Cajsar of old, and 
since his time by the Archduke and the Great Conde, 
at the siege of Arras. But the holes made by Conde 
on this occasion, more than sixteen centuries after 
Cajsar, were like those of the Roman general, of a 
eircular figure, and were soon filled by means of lad- 
ders and fascines ; but d'Asfeld's terminated in a cone, 
and consequently could not be so well filled up by 
fascines thrown into them in haste, as that the horses' 
feet would not sink down in them. The last entrench- 
ment was intersected by excellent traverses, defended 
by a prodigious fire of musketry, so that the prince 
looked upon any attempt to force these lines as temerity, 
nay absolute madness. 

(1G0) Page^S. Eugene was fond of lad company 
and bad friends, and these are enough to ruin any body — 
Keysler in his travels gives the following character of this 
prince, of whom at that time the highest hopes were en- 
tertained. — All those qualifications and endowments that 



NOTES. 301 

canprocureloveandcsteemshineconspicuous in this young 
prince; a graceful person, the most engaging affabilihr 
and sweetness of temper, a quick understanding, an heroic, 
ardour, a skill iu the sciences and other parts of polite 
literature, which is the more extraordinary in a prir.ee of 
fifteen years, justify the exalted hopes entertained of 
him. He shews a strong inclination to a military life, 
and is already inuring himself to it, so that a bare board 
serves him for a pillow. The king has taken the greatest 
care of his education, and suffered him to be ignorant of 
no branch of knowledge, which may contribute to his 
future advancement. To keep him out of public diver- 
sions and other dissipations, he has hitherto resided at a 
distance from the court, having apartments at the riding 
academy ; there he^gives himself up to the study of the 
sciences with such application and intenseness, that he 
scarcely comes to court once a week, or appears at any- 
public diversions. 

f 101) Page 231. The preliminaries ig&re signed — ■ 
By this treaty the Elector of Saxony was put into quiet 
possession of the crown of Poland, and the Duchy 
of Lorraine and Bar ceded to the dethroned King 
Stanislaus, after whose death it was to be united to 
France. 

(102) Page 4. If I should live a little longer—It was 
but a very short time before the attacks of the disorder 
alluded to by the prince, caused serious apprehensions 
for his life. By the skill and attention of the Chevalier 
Carelli, first physician to the emperor, he however reco- 
vered sufficient strength to receive company, and also to 
continue his evening visits to the Countess de Bathtany. 
On the 20th of April, 1736, being at her house, and hav- 
ing played a game at piquet, he found himself so weak, 
that he was obliged to leave his friends very early. He 
returned to his palace and went to bed, having, as he 
said, more appetite for sleep than for supper. When his 
valet reminded him of the draught, sent for him by 
Carelli, he replied : " There is no hurry; it is the same 
thing whether I take it to-night or to-morrow. I had 
rather wait till morning." At ten o'clock the following 
day his attendants found him dead in his bed. His fune- 



o02 NOTES. 

ral obsequies were performed with the greatest magnifi- 
cence, in the Church of St. Stephen, at Vienna, where his 
remains were deposited. 

The following summary of the character of this great 
man by his historian will not be deemed by the reader an 
improper conclusion to this work. 

Prince Eugene, though of middling stature, was very 
well made. His face was rather long, of a dark com- 
plexion, and such as becomes a soldier: his ejes were 
black, lively, and full of fire; his mouth was neither 
large nor small, aud he kept it almost always open. His 
nose was well-shaped, though rather long, and he had 
accustomed himself to take a great deal of snuff. His 
face was thin and his cheeks somewhat hollow. He had 
black hair, which he wore till it began to grow grey, 
when he had it cut off, and supplied its place with a wig. 
He had naturally a grave and serious look; but on pro- 
per occasions he could promote hilarity as well as any 
mani When he shewed himself to his troops, there ap- 
peared in his person a certain air of greatness and majesty, 
which created respect in all who beheld him, from the 
highest general to the meanest soldier. He was particu- 
larly beloved by the troops on account of the resources, 
by means of which he contrived that they should want 
for nothing in a country where under any other general 
they would have been starved to death. In the long 
Avars carried on by the throe emperors, under whom 
Prince Eugene lived, the troops were often left without 
money and many other necessaries ; but Eugene always 
found means to provide for their wants. I mean not to 
assert that he ever melted down his plate to pay the army, 
like Turenne; but he often caused provisions to be dis- 
tributed at his expence among the troops, when he could 
not supply them at the expence of the country in which 
he happened to be. I know not that Prince Eugene 
<?ver refused the contributions which were brought him, 
as Turenne did ; but nobody can charge him with avarice, 
which Marlborough and Villars have so justly been ac 
cused of. Eugene was generous but not prodigal. It 
cannot be denied that he enriched himself as much by 
war as by the favors of fha emperors ' 3 neither eau 



NOTES. 303 

any one refuse him the justice to admit, that in peace 
he made a worthy use of the wealth which he had 
amassed. 

As he was fond of the fine arts, several eminent professors 
of them were partakers of his bounty. At a time when 
the plague had made great ravages in Vienna, and the 
necessaries of life were very dear in that city, Prince 
Eugene employed fifteen hundred hands in the embellish- 
ment of his palace, and gave them double wages, though 
he had no occasion for two-thirds of their number. The 
beauty of this palace, his furniture, his paintings, his cabi- 
nets of curiosities, his library, his grounds, his fountains, 
his statues, and his menagerie, attest the grandeur and 
good taste of this hero ; and the splendid entertainments 
which he was in the daily habit of giving, displayed tha 
liberality and magnificence of his disposition. Though 
in the bottom religious, he was no bigot. He was an 
enemy to intemperate zeal, and a spirit of persecution; 
and though he had no indulgence for those who would 
scruple to eat an egg on Good Friday, but would not 
hesitate to kill a fellow creature on EasterSunday, under 
the pretext of avenging the deity ; yet he was punctual 
in the performance of the duties of his religion. 

The qualities of his mind corresponded with those of 
his heart. It was highly cultivated, improved by exten- 
sive reading and profouud study, and endowed with ex- 
traordinary penetration. His judgment was sound, and 
seldom was he mistaken in regard to the characters of 
others; discovering in a moment their most hidden 
features. He spoke very little, but that little always 
bore the stamp of good sense. He never slandered any 
one, but on the other hand he was frugal in his praise, 
which he never bestowed except on real merit. Jf he 
co'iUl not speak well of a person, he was wholly silent. 
Nobody ever excelled him in keeping a secret; and never 
did he suiter any thing to escape him that could betray 
what he had once resolved not to communicate. He 
readily forgave his enemies; he had many whom he 
well knew, but on whom he never sought to revenge 
himself. 

The prince would never marry, as it was a maxiat 



3Q£ NOTES. 

with him, that a wife is a ..troublesome appendage to a 
soldier, who forgets his duty to think of her, -and is 
often too sparing of his life for her sake. He did not, 
however, avoid the company of females, and no one 
better uuderstood the art of rendering to the fair sex 
whatever is justly due to it, politeness, affability, com. 
plaisance,and attention. All these were natural to him in 
the society of ladies, and he behaved to them with such 
gallantry, that it might hive been supposed he was 
enamored of some one of them, had he not conducted 
himself in the same manner to all indiscriminately. He 
nevertheless treated the Countess de Bathiany with a 
certain kind of distinction. The prince was frequently 
at her house ; he dined, played, and spent his evenings 
with her, and seemed to enjoy himself there more than in 
any other place. The reason was this : — the Countess de 
Bathiany was a lady of extraordinary understanding, of 
the most Tefined and engaging maimers, who spoke seve- 
ral languages, and did every thing with grace; but then 
her virtues were equal to her accomplishments^ She 
encouraged the prince's visits, on account of his rank, 
his illustrious birth, and the splendor of his achievements, 
things calculated to make an impression on women: and 
Eugene was fond of seeing the countess, because her wit 
and humour and her conversation pleased and amused him, 
and caused him to pass the time more agreeably with her 
than any where else. In short, I may venture to assert, 
without deviating from the rigid truth, that the strong 
passion which Prince Eugene always felt for war, had as 
it were suspended and absorbed every other, so that it 
is not surprising that he should have been invariably 
sober, chaste, and temperate ; regardless of pleasure, and 
attentive only to reputation, and the means of acquiring 
immortal renown. 



THE END. 



B. Clarke, I>i inter, Well Street, London. 




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